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Brifish Associafion for the Advancement

of Science.

: NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE MEETING, 1889.

FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED FOR THE PURPOSE OF

INVESTIGATING AND PUBLISHING REPORTS

ON THE

PHYSICAL CHARACTERS, LANGUAGES, AND

INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION

OF THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF THE

. DOMINION OF CANADA.

[PLATES I.—V1,)

Ofhices of the Association : 22 ALBEMARLE STREET, LONDON, W.

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4

| ead at the Newcastle-upon-Tyno Meeting of the BRITISH ASSOCIATION, 1889. ]

British Association for fhe Advancement of Science.

Fifth Report of the Committee, consisting of Dr. E. B. Tytor, Dr. G. M. Dawson, General Sir J. H. Lerroy, Dr. DaNieL Witson, Mr. R. G, Hatinurton, and Mr. Georcre W. BLoxam (Secretary), appointed for the purpose of investigating and publishing reports on the physical characters, languages, and industrial and social condition of the North-Western Tribes of the Dominion of Canada.

(PLATES 1.—VI.]

Remarks on North American Ethnology : Introductory to the Report on the Indians of British Columbia. Dy Horatio Hare.

‘ite Province of British Columbia offers probably the best field of ethno- logical research now to be found in North America. This distinction is due to two circumstances, each of much importance. The one is the fact that the tribes of this Province have thus far suffered less displacement and change from foreign influences than those of any other region. They still for the most part oceupy their original seats, and they retain to a large extent their primitive customs and beliets. The other cirenmstance, and one of special scientific interest, is the great number of linguistic stocks, or families of languages, which are found in the Province. There are, as will appear from the report and map, no less than eight of these stocks, being twice as many as now exist in the whole of Europe.

The importance of this fact will be appreciated if we bear in mind that in America the linguistic stock is the universally accepted unit of ethnological classification. It is not that the physical distinctions which have elsewhere been proposed as the basis of classifications are lacking on this continent. On the contrary, they are markedly apparent. In colour the difference is great between the fair skinned Haidas and Tsimshians of the northern coasts and islands, and the swarthy, almost black, natives of Southern California, Even more notable is the difference between the short, squat, broad-faced, and coarse-featured members of the coast tribes of Oregon and British Columbia, and the tall, slender, oval-visaged Andians of the interior, The striking differences of cranial measurement hve shown in Sir Daniel Wilson’s work on ‘Prehistoric Man.’ Hair vary-

ig from coarse, straight, and black to fine, brown, and curly; eyes with horizontal and eyes with oblique openings ; noses in some tribes aquiline, pu in others depressed, show varieties as great as those of colour, stature, 1d cranial outlines. These and other physical distinctions, however, ave not been accepted by any scientific inquirer in America of late ears as grounds of classification of the native tribes, for the simple Section H, A

2 REPORT— 1889,

reason that they are manifestly due to climatic or other local or casual influences, and cannot be held to indicate any difference of race.

But the distinction of linguistic stocks is radical and profound. The differences which it indicates extend far beyond language, and are displayed in the whole sature and character of the speakers of each language. This fact became apparent to me many years ago, in making for the U.S. Government an ethnographical survey of Oregon and of a part of British Columbia,' Its existence perplexed me at the time, as it has since perplexed other investigators; and the question of the origin of so many linguistic stocks, or languages radically and totally distinet, found in so limited a district, has appeared to present a problem of the highest scientific interest.?

In an address delivered before the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1886, and published in their volume of ‘ Proceedings’ for that year, I ventured to propose an explanation of the origin, not only of these American languages, but of all stock languages whatsoever, except, of course, the primitive language (whatever it may have been) which was spoken by the first community of the human species. A succinct but clear outline of this theory was given by Pro- fessor Sayce in his Presidential Address at the Manchester meeting in 1887. While pointing out what he considered the merits of the theory, Mr. Sayce asked, very reasonably, for more evidence to sustain it than I had been able to include in my brief essay. This evidence I have en- deavoured to give in a paper read last year before the Canadian Institute

of Toronto, and published in the ‘Proceedings’ of that society for 1888-8).

With Professor Sayce’s address in the hands of the members of the Association, I need only say, briefly, that the theory supposes these isolated idioms to have had their origin in the natural language-making faculty of young children, Many instances of languages thus spontaneously created by children were given; and in my Toronto paper evidence was produced to show that the words and grammar of such languages might, and probably would in many cases, be totally different from those of “the parental speech, The fact was pointed out that in the first peopling of every country, when, from various causes, families must often be scattered at very wide distances from one another, many cases must have occurred

1 ‘Tn the long and narrow section of this continent, included between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, and extending from the country of the Eskimo on the north to the Californian Peninsula on the south, there are found perhaps a greater number of tribes speaking distinct languages than in any other territory of the same size inthe world. Not only do these tribes differ in their idioms, but also in personal appearance, character, and usages.’—United States Eaploring oe under Charles Wilkes, vol. vii. E thnography and Philology :’ by Horatio Hale ; 1846; p. 197.

* «It [the map] brings out in a most striking way the singular linguistic diversity which obtains along the west line of this part of America—a fact for which it is indeed difficult to offer a reasonable explanation, knowing as we do how essentially maritime the coast tribes are in their habits, and how skilled and fearless they are in the management of their excellent canoes. The anomaly appears still greater when we contrast the several clearly defined colonies of the coast with the wide sweep of the languages of the interior of the Province, where from the generally rugged and often densely wooded character of the country, and the turbulent nature of the

rivers, intercommunication must have been by comparison extremely difficult..—Dr.

George M. Danson: Preface to* Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of British Colunbia ; s nith a Map illustrating Distribution ;' by Drs. Tolmie and Dawson,

1884, p. 7.

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ON TH NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 3

where two or more young children of different sexes, left by the death of their parents to grow up secluded from all other society, were thus com. pelled to frame a language of their own, which would become the mother- tongue of a new linguistic stock. This result, it is clear, would only follow in those regions where, from the mildness of the climate and the spontancons fruitfulness of the soil, young children would be able to find sibsistence for themselves through all seasons of the year.

It is evident that, along with their new language, these children and their descendants would have to frame a new religion, a nev social policy, and, in general, new customs and arts, except so far as reminiscences of the parental example and teachings might direct or modify the latter. All these conclusions accord precisely with the results of ethnological investigations in America.

It should, however, be borne in mind that, whether the theory which I thus proposed is accepted or not, the fact will still remain that the existence of a linguistic stock involves the absolute certainty that the tribe speaking such a form of language, differing entirely from all other tongues, must have lived for a very long period wholly isolated from all other communities ; otherwise this idiom would not have had time to be formed and to become the speech of a tribe sufficiently numerous and strong to maintain its independence. In this long isolation (however it might arise) the tribe would necessarily acquire by continual inter- marriage a peculiar mental character, common to the whole tribe, and with it the modes of thought and the social institutions which are the necessary outcome of such a character. Thus the linguistic stock, what- ever its origin, must naturally and necessarily be, as has been said, the proper ethnological unit of classification.

The experience of the able philologists of the American Bureau of Kthnology entirely confirms these views. Special attention, of course, has been given by them to the investigation of the stocks in North America. Mr, J. C. Pilling, of the Bureau, the author of the valuable series of bibliographies of American linguistic stocks now in course of publication, informs me that the number of these stocks in North America (north of Mexico), so far as at present letermined, is fifty-eight—-a greater number, perhaps, than can be founa in the whole eastern hemisphere, apart from Central Africa. Of this number no less than thirty-nine are comprised in the narrow strip of territory west of the Rocky Mountains, which extends from Alaska to Lower California. Why a great number of stocks might naturally be looked for along this coast, with its mild and equable climate, and its shores and valleys abounding in shell-fish, berries, and edible roots, is fully explained in my essays already referred to.

From what has been said it follows that in our studies of communities in the earliest stage, we must look, not for sameness, but for almost end- less diversity, alike in languages and in social organisations. Instead of one ‘ primitive human horde’ we must think of some two or three hun- dred primitive societies, each beginning in a single household, and ex- panding gradually to a people distinct from every other, alike in speech, in character, in mythology, in form of government, and in social usages. The language may be monosyllabic, like the Khasi and the Othomi; or agglutinative in various methods, Jike the Mantshu, the Nahuatl, the Eskimo, and the Iroquoian; or inflected, like the Semitic and the Sahaptin. Its forms may be simple, as in the Maya and the Haida, or complex, as in the Aryan, the Basque, the Algonkin, and the Tinneh, The old theo- A 2

4 neport—1889,

retical notion, that the more complex and inflected idioms have grown out of the simpler agglutinative or monosyllabic forms, must be given up as inconsistent with the results of modern researches,

In like manner, we find among primitive coramunities every form of government and of social institutions—monarchy among the Mayas and the Natchez, aristocracy among the Jroquois and the Kwakintl, demo- cracy among the Algonkins and the Shoshonees, descending almost to pure, thongh perhaps peaceful, anarchy among the Tinneh, the Eskimo, and various other families. In some stocks we find patriarchal (or ‘ paternal’) institutions, as among the Salish and the Algonkin; in others, matriarchal (or ‘ maternal’), as among the Iroquoian and the Haida. Ta some the clan system exists; in others it is unknown, In some exogamy preyails, in others endogamy. In some, women are honoured and have great in- fluence and privileges; in others, they are despised and ill-treated, In some, wives are obtained by capture, in others by courtship, in others by the agreement of the parents. All these various institutions and usages exist among tribes in the same stage of culture, and all of them appear to be equally primitive. They are simply the forms in which each com. munity, by force of the character of its people, tends to crystallise.

We frequently, ltowever, find evidence, if not of internal development, at least of derivation. Institutions, erceds, and customs are in many cases adopted by one stock from another, As there are now ‘loan-words’ in all languages, so there are borrowed beliefs, borrowed laws, and bor- rowed arts and usages. Then, also, there are many mixed communities, in which, through the effect of conquest or of intermarriages, the phy sical traits, languages, and institutions of two or more stocks have become variously combined and intermingled. In short, the study of human societies in the light of the classification by linguistic stocks is like the study of materi ial substances in the light of their classification by the chemical elements. In each case we find an almost infinite variety of phenomena, some primitive and others secondary and composite, but all referable to a limited number of primary constituents: in chemistry, the material elements; in ethnology, the linguistic stocks. Such is the result of the latest investigations, as pursued on the Western Continent, where for the first time a great number of distinct communities, in the earliest social stages, have been exposed to scientific observation, with all their organisation an¢ workings as clearly discernible as those of bees in a glass hive.

The researches of Dr, Boas, while pursued, as will be apparent, with- out any bias of preconceived theory, will throw much valuable light on the subjects now referred to, as well as on others of equal importance. It should be added that some of the facts which he has gathered, par- ticularly in regard to the tenure of land among the tribes of British Columbia, have a great practical value. This is a point which deserves special mention, as the Canadian Government is now sharing with the Association the expense of these inquiries. Many of the most costly wars which the Colonial Governments have had to wage with the aboriginal tribes in America, New Zealand, and elsewhere have arisen, as is well known, from misunderstandings erowing out of the acquisition of land from the natives, The great benefit which accrued to New Zealand, in the improved relations between the natives and the colonists, from the researches of Sir George Grey into the laws, usages, and traditions of the Maori tribes, is a mattoaw of hict awe Ma atata af affsiva in Ryritiah

Eg ee Sata

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swat

the ¢ of Is appo West made prelit The gatio His Colu perm: collec mater this i latter Societ stock, drawr speak} art, a obsery Visit 0 iS $0 0 impos: dithen

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’ of the Rritiqh

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 5

Columbia is in some respeets remarkably similar to that which prevailed in New Zealand, If the inquiries which have been instituted by tho Association shail have the effect of averting a very possible conflict of races, their utility will be very great—one might almost say incalculable, It may be well, therefore, to draw particular attention to some noteworthy facts set forth in Dr, Boas’s report. We learn that the land oceupied by certain tribes is held, not by the tribe, nor by individuals, but by the clan, or yeas, Which is consequently the only authority able to dispose of it; and, further, that when the land is sold the original owners are still con- ‘ideved by the native law to retain ‘the right of fishing, hunting, and cathering berries in their old home.’ It is easy to see how, when these native Jaws and usages are not understood, collisions might at any time arise, in which each party would naturally claim to be in the right. It should, further, be borne in mind that as there are eight distinct stoe!.s in the Province there may possibly be as many distinct systems of land tenure. At all events, it is certain that the tenure among the tribes in which the clan system exists must differ in one important respect from that of the tribes in which it is unknown.

It is evident that, as Dr. Boas suggests, this branch of inquiry is one which deserves to be carefully prosecuted, both for its scientific interes and for the great practical benefit which may result from it.

First General Report on the Indians of British Columbia. By Dr. Franz Boas.

Intropuctrory Nore.

The following report on the Indians of British Columbia embodies the general results of a reconnaissance made by the writer in the summer of 1588, under the auspices of the Committee of the British Association appointed for the purpose of collecting information respecting the North- Western Tribes of the Dominion of Canada, supplemented by observations made by the author on a previous trip in the winter of 1886-87. A preliminary report was published in the Fourth Report ef the Committee. ‘The present report contains the principal results of the author’s investi- gations on the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Kutonaqa (Kootanie). His limited time and the preparations for a new journey to British Columbia, undertaken under the auspices of the Committee, did not permit him to study exhaustively the extensive osteological material collected on the previous journeys. Tor the same reason the linguistic material collected among the Nootka and Kwakiutl is kept back. Besides this it seemed desirable to await the publication of the grammar of the latter language by the Rey. A. J. Hall in the ‘Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada’ before publishing the linguistic notes on the same stock, which are necessarily fragmentary when compared to a grammar drawn up by a student who has lived many years among the Indians speaking that language. The chapters on social organisation, customs, art, and knowledge are also necessarily incomplete. The difficulty of observing or even acquiring information on such points during a flying visit of a fortnight—the maximum time spent among any single tribe— 18 so overwhelming that no thorough report is possible, and it is almost impossible to guard against serious errors. On account of this difficulty the author has paid great attention to the collection of reports

6 REPORT— 1889,

on historical events and of traditions. In these the peculiar customs and character of a people always appear very clearly, and the facts mentioned in these tales form a valuable starting-point for the observa. tion of customs which would else remain unnoticed, Among tribes who have partly yielded to the influence of the contact with whites they afford a valuble clue to their former customs.

The chapter on ‘ Arts and Knowledge’ has not been treated fully, as the general character of North-West American art is well known, and, in order to give a complete account of the conventionalism of the works of art of these tribes, an exhaustive study is necessary, which the writer has been so far unable to undertake,

The author’s researches do not include the Tinneh tribes, some of which are comparatively well known, The Salish languages are merely enumerated, as investigations on this interesting stock are being carried on, and the material in its present shape would require an early revision,

The present report is supplemented by the following papers by the author :—

‘Zur Ethnologie von Britisch-Columbien,’ Petermann’s Mittheilungen, 1887. No 5, with map.

‘Mittheilungen iiber die Bilqila Indianer.’ Original Mittheilungen aus dem Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Berlin, pp. 177-182, with two plates.

‘Die Sprache der Bilqila.” Verh. anthrop, Ges. Berlin, 1886, pp. 202-206, ‘Census and Reservations of the Kwakiutl.’ Bull. Am. Geogr, Soe.

Sept. 1887. ‘On Certain Songs and Dances of the Kwakiutl.’ Journ. Am, Folk-

Lore, 1888, pp. 49-64.

‘Chinook Songs.’ Journ. Am. Folk-Uore, 1888, pp. 220-226.

‘Die Tsimschian.’ Ztschr. fiir Ethnologie, Berlin, 1888, pp. 231-247.

‘The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians.’ Proc. U.S. National Museum, 1888, pp. 197-213.

‘ Notes on the Snanaimuq.’ Am. Anthropolo ist, Washington, 1889, pp. 821-828.

‘The Indians of British Columbia.’ Trans, Roy. Soc. of Canada, 1888, Sec. II. pp. 47-57.

‘ Die Mythologie der nordwestamerikanischen Kiistenstiimme.’ Globus, Braunschweig, 1887-88.

The following alphabet has been used in the report :—

The vowels have their continental sounds, namely: a, as in father; e, like ain mate; 7, as in machine; 0, as in note; u, as in rule.

In addition the following are used: d, 6, as in German; d=aw in law ; E=e in flower (Lepsius’s e).

Among the consonants the following additional letters have been used: g', a very guttural g, similar to yr; k', a very guttural /, similar to kr; q, the German ch in bach; u, the German ch in ich; a, be- tween gq and #; c=sh in shore; ¢, as th in thin; tl, an explosive 1; dl, a palatal /, pronounced with the back of the tongue (dorso-apical).

CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY.

_ The north-west coast of America, from Juan de Fuca Strait to Cross Sound in Alaska, is characterised by its fiords, sounds, and islands, which make it very favourable for navigation in canoes and other small craft.

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ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 7

Among the most important of these fiords is Portland Inlet, in the extreme north of the territory. Near its mouth Nass River empties itself, which is navigable for canoes for about 80 miles. Between the 55th and 54th degrees of latitude the coast is comparatively open. Here the Skeena River has its mouth. Farther south we find an extremely intricate network of fiords and channels, some of which penetrate far into the interior, Among these we may mention Gardner and Douglas Channels, Dean Inlet, and Bentinck Arm, and the straits and sounds separating Vancouver Island from the mainland, This region has a very temperate climate, the heat of summer and the cold of winter being moderated by the influence of the sea winds, This influence, however, does not extend far inland, and a few miles from the sea-coast low tem- peratures prevail in winter. While intercourse all along the coast is greatly facilitated by its character, it is almost impossible to penetrate into the interior, the high peaks of the coast ranges rising abruptly from the sea. There are only a few passes by means of which intercourse is possible, The most important of these are on Skeena River, and on Salmon and Bella Coola Rivers of Dean Inlet and Bentinck Arm

As the precipitation all along the coast is very great, its lower parts are covered with dense forests, which furnish wood for building houses and canoes. Among these, the pine, hemlock, and the red and yellow cedar are the most prominent ; while the hard wood of the siaple is ased for implements of varions kinds, principally for paddles. The woods abound with numerous kinds of berries, which are eagerly sought tov by the Indians. They also make use of the kelp and seaweed with which the sea abounds.

In the woods the deer, the elk, the cariboo, the black and the grizzly bears, the wolf, and numerous other animals, are found. The moun- tain goat lives on the high mountain ranges. The beaver, the otter, and the fur-seal furnish valuable skins. The Indians keep a great number of dogs in their villages, which look almost exactly like the coyote. In the northern villages they are much like the Eskimo dog,

Of prime importance to the natives is the abundance of fish and other animals living in the sea. Seals, sea-lions, and whales are found in considerable numbers, but the Indian depends almost entirely upon the various species of salmon and the olachen (T'haleichthys pacificus, Gir.), which are caught in enormous quantities in the rivers. Various species of cod and halibut are caught throughout the year; herrings visit the coast early in spring; in short, there is such an abundance of animal life in the sea that the Indians live almost solely upon it. Besides fish, they gather several kinds of shell-fish, sea-eggs, and cuttle-fish.

The interior of the Province is throughout mountainous, with the ex- ception of a portion of the territory occupied by the Tinneh. The country east of the coast ranges is comparatively dry, hot in summer and cold in winter, The southern parts of this region are desolate, the rivers cutting deep gorges through the valleys, which are filled with drift. Agriculture can be carried on only by means of irrigation, but the country is well adapted to stock-raising. Salmon ascend the rivers, and the lakes are well stocked with fish, which forms the staple food of the tribes west of the Selkirk Range. Between this range and the Rocky Mountains the wide valley of the Columbia and Kootenay Rivers extends from the Inter- national Boundary to near the great bend of the Columbia. The Indians of this valley have access to the great plains over a number of passes.

iaathestihilnetldieaahetatualaini

8 REPORT—1889,

INHABITANTS.

The country is inhabited by a great number of tribes belonging to seven or eight linguistic stocks. Vertain similarities of form and phonetic elements between the Tlingit and Haida ianguages have given rise to the opinion that further researches may show them to be remote branches of the same stock. This presumption might appear to he strengthened by their divergence from all other stocks inhabiting the territory. Nevertheless the dissimilarity of vocabularies and of gram. matical elements is so great that the coincidences referred to c annot yet be considered sufficient proof of their common origin, although the two languages must be classed together in one group when compared with the other languages of the North Pacific coast. Counting them for the present as separate stocks, we distinguish the following tamilies :—

1. Tlingit.—Inhabiting Southern Alaska,

2. Haida.—Inhabiting Queen Charlotte Islands and part of Prince of Wales Archipelago.

3. Tsimshian.—Inhabiting Nass and Skeena Rivers and the adjacent islands.

4, Kwakiutl—Inhabiting the coast from Gardiner Channel to Cape Mudge, with the solo exceptions of the country around Dean Inlet and the w est coast of Vancouver Island.

The Nootka.—Inhabiting the west coast of Vancouver Island.!

6. The Salish.—Inhabiting the coast and the castern part of Van- couyer Island south of Cape Mudge, the southern part of the interior as far as the crest of the Selkirk Range and the northern parts of Washing- ton, Idaho, and Montana.

The Kutoniqa.—Inhabiting the valley of the Upper Columbia River, Kootenay Lake and River, and the adjoining parts of the United States.

The Tlingit, althongh not belonging properly to British Columbia, have been included in this report, as they must be considered in a study of the Haida and Tsimshian.

I do not enumerate the tribes composing the Tlingit and Haida peoples, as the former have been treated by Dr. A. Kranse in his excellent work, ‘ Die Tlinkit Indianer,’ while Lam not acquainted with the subdivisions of the latter. Dr. G. M. Dawson in his ‘ Report on the Quaeen Charlotte Islands’ gives a list of villages. It seems that the Haida divide their people into several groups, each group comprising a number of villages. The Haida call themselves Qia’eda, i.e. people. They are called by the Tlingit Dékyino’, ie. people of the sea. The Tsimshian call them Haida, which is evidently derived from Qa’eda.

. The following list of Tsimshian tribes was obtained by inquiries at the mouth of Skeena River.

The language is spoken in two principal dialects, the Nasqa’ and the T’simshian proper,

I, Tribes speaking the Nasqa’ dialect :

I, Nasqa’, on Nass River.

2, Gyitksa’n, on the upper Skeena River=people of the Ksia/n.

' New observations made in 1889 seem to indicate that there exists an affinity between the fourth and fifth groups.

tribe

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ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.

II. Tribes speaking the Tsimshian proper:

1. Ts’rmsia‘n, on the mouth of Skeena River=on the Ksia‘n.

2. Gyits’nmri’lon, below the cafion of Skeena River=people on the upper part of the river.

3. Gyits’ala’ser, at the cation of Skeena River=caiion people,

4, Gyitqi'tla, on the islands off the mouth of Skeena River= people of the sea.

5, Gyitg'a’/ata, on the shores of Grenville Channel=people of the

4 poles, so called on account of their salmon weirs.

* 6. Gyidesdzo’, north-west of Milbank Sound.

Some of these tribes are subdivided into septs, each of which inhabits one village (see ‘ Ztschr. fiir Ethnologie,’ 1888, p. 232).

The 'l'simshian are called by the Tlingit Ts’dtsqu’n; by the Héiltsuk: Kwé'tela; by the Bilqula, Elqi’min; while the Haida designate each tribe by its proper name.

The whole people is divided into four clans: the raven, called’ Kran. ha'da; the eagle, called Laqski'yek; the wolf, called Laqkyebd’ ; and the bear, called Gyispotuwn’da. Details on this subject will be found in the chapter on social organisation.

4, The Kwakiutl.—So far as I am aware, the language is spoken in three dialects, the people speaking them not being wholly unintelligible to each other: the Qiaisla’, the Héiltsuk’, and the Kwakiutl proper. The (Qaisla’ is spoken north of Grenville Channel; the Héiltsuk’ embraces the tribes from Grenville Channel to Rivers Inlet; the K-wakiutl proper is spoken from Rivers Inlet to the central part of Vancouver Island. I do not enter into an enumeration of the many tribes of this group, one list having been published by Dr. George M. Dawson in the ‘ Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada,’ 1887, another, accompanicd by a detailed map by the writer, in Petermann’s ‘ Mittheilungen,’ 1887.

The most northern tribe of this group, the Qaisla’, are called Gyit’ama’t by the Tsimshian; the Gyimanoitq of Gardner Channel are called Gyitlo’p by the same people. The Héiltsuk: proper are called Wutsta’ hy the Tsimshian, rlk‘la’sumu by the Bilqula.

5, Nootka.—Regarding their tribal divisions I would refer to Sproat’s ‘Scenes and Studies of Savage Life.’ The Pr’ntlate call the Nootka (ole'ite, but as a rule this name is used for the tribes of Alberni Channel only, The Catld'ltq call these tribes O’mené, the Sk*qo’mic call them Te’neiatq. (Detailed information on the tribes of this stock will be given in the report for 1890.)

6, The Salish.—This important stock, which inhabits a large part of British Columbia and the adjacent territories of the United States, is irepresented by two groups of tribes on the coast of the province :—

) A. The Bilqula of Dean Inlet and Bentinck Arm, comprising four tribes.

B. The Coast Salish.—I comprise in this group the numerous dialects of the Salish stock that are spoken on the coasts of tho Gelf of Georgia gand of Puget Sound. The difference between these trives and those of the interior, in regard to their mode of life and language, is so marked that we may be allowed to class them in one large group. H. Hale and A. Gallatin first pointed out their affinities to the Salish proper. A num- ber of tribes of Puget Sound are included under the name of Niskwalli more proper!y, Nsk‘oa’li), but it seems to me that the subdivisions of the

sactiapat NRO a MR Maliichin oy ve

10 REPOL.T—1889. The Niskwalli would properly form one

latter are not perfectly known. The latter is spoken in the

of the larger divisions of the Coast Salish. following dialects in British Columbia :—

1. Gatlo’Itq, in Discovery Passage, Valdes Island, Bute and Malas- pina Inlets. The Qatlo’ltq are called K’o’moks by the Lé’kwiltok’.

2. Si’ciatl, in Jervis Inlet. Culled Si’citl by the Snanaimugq, Ni’ciatl by a Gatlo’ Itq.

. Ps ‘ntlate, from Comox to Qualekum.

4. Sk-qo’mic, on Howe Souid and Burrard Inlet. by age (atld'ltq.

K-an‘itcin, from Nonoos Bay to Sanitch Inlet, and on Fraser River as far as Spuzzum.

6. Lku’/ngen, on the south-eastern part of Vancouver Island. Lki’men by the K-au’itcin.

Similar to their language is the Tla’/lem of the south coast of Juan de Fuca Strait ; the S’a’mic, which is spoken east of San Juan Island; the Semiii’m6 of Semiamo Bay, and the Qtlumi (Lummi).

C. Ntlakya’pamuag, from Spuzzum to Ashcroft,

D. Stla’tliumn, on Douglas and Lilloet Lakes.

HK. Squa’pamua, from Kamloops and Shushwap Lakes to Quesnelle. Called Tlitkatewi/mtlat by the Kutona’qa (= without shirts and trousers).

F, Okina’k*én, on Okanagan and Arrow Lakes. Called Tcitqua’nt by

the Ntlakya’pamug; Kank’’utla‘atlam (= flatheads) by the Kutona’qa.

7. The Kutona’qa (Kootenay), inhabiting the valley of the Kootenay and Columbia Rivers. The language is spoken in two slightly differing dialects, the upper and lower Kootenay.

I. Upper Kootenay, on the Columbia Lakes and upper Kootenay River.

(1) Aqkisk‘anti’kenik, == tribes of the (Columbia) lakes. (2) Agqk’a’mnik, at Fort Steele. (3) Agk’anequ’nik (= river Indians), Tobacco Plains. (4) Agkiyé’nik, Lake Pend d’Oreille. Il. Lower Kootenay. Aquqtla‘tlqé, Aquqenu’kq6; Kootenay Lake. The Kutona’ga call the Blackfeet Saha’ntla = bad Indians; the Cree, Gutskiau’m = liars; the Sioux, Katsk‘agi’tlsik = charcoal legs. The census returns of the Indian Bepartment give the following nun-

Called Sk‘qoa’mic

Called

bers for the various peoples.

The Tlingit are not included in this | list, as they do not live in British territory.

— 1883 | 1884 | 1885 | 1886 | 1887 | 1858 Haida, Kaigani ex epted (estimated). -— _ —_ — — | 2,500 Tsimshian (estimated) : — oe — _ — | 6,000 Bilqula and Héiltsuk: (estimated) — — “> _ — | 2,500 Nootka ‘ , 3,612 | 8,487 | 38,445 | 8,415 | 3,361 | 38,160 H Kwakiutl and Lékwiltok: . | 2,264 | 1,889 | 1, oY 11,969 | 1,986 | 1,898 Coast Salish — | 6,605 | 6, 6,8 7,080 | 6,724 | 6,838 | Ntlakyapamug, Stla’ tliumut, ‘and Squa’- - | 56,791 15,470 | 4,7 10 14,649 | 4,655 | 4,407 pamuQ Okina'ké 1,188 | 1,188 | 1,020 |1,004 | 956] 942 Kutona’qa . ° -~ — —_ — 568 | 587

These figures show that the census is

approximate only,

The ladon!

We 2 ie Be y ic 4 rN 5 a - ie fe oS

# AE

Sbreia AR eea eles

na he .

een reeiny

tril to } To

whi

cus test und end¢ The tom cous hunt miss Tsin theil gent port fathe givi vidu the same of tl Salis their of tl as Ki naim Noot h India settle ment great to ret not re to be indus instit) becon

Dh is unc tribes, some ( spoken The h Hast ,

- examiy

form one en in the

d Malas- Kk

, Ni’ciatl

k*qoa’mic ser River |. Called

f Juan de land ; the

Quesnelle. out shirts

tqua’ut by atona’ qa.

. Kootenay y differing

Kootenay

; the Cree, os,

wing num- this list, as

1887 | 1858 — | 2,500 — |6,000 — | 2,500 ,361 | 3,160 ,986 | 1,898 \724 | 6,838

655 | 4,497

The inlan

a

aces

pages ner

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 1] tribes appear to be decreasing in numbers, while the coast tribes appear to be almost stationary. The above list gives a total of about 27,900. ‘To these must be added 1,500 Tinneh and 8,522 ‘bands not visited,’ whoever these may be.

‘The Indians of the interior have almost entirely given up their ancient

customs. They are mostly Roman Catholics, but there are a few Pro- testants. Of course a considerable amount of paganism is still lurking

under the Christianism of these natives. They are good stock-raisers, and endeavour to irrigate their lands; but it seems that the majority are poor. ‘The lower Kutona’ga still adhere, to a great extent, to their ancient cus- toms. They are principally fishermen. All the Salish tribes catch a considerable amount of fish, while the upper Kutona’qa were originally hunters,

The coast Indians are well off up to this day. While the efforts of missionaries among the Haida have so far not been very successful, the ‘'simshian proper have become Christianised. ‘They have given up all their old customs except those referring to their social organisation. The gentes are still acknowledged, and the laws referring to the mutual sap- port among members of one gens and to the work to be done by the father’s gens at certain occasions (see p. 41) are still in force. The final giving up of customs seems to be done by the council, not by the indi- viduals. The Héiltsuk’ have been Protestants for many years, while the Bilqula are still uninfluenced by contact with missionaries. ‘The same is true, toa large extent, among the Kwakiutl, only a few individuals of the Nimkie tribe adhering to the Episcopalian Church, The Coast Salish belong in part to the Roman Catholic Church ; but notwithstanding their allegations paganism still prevails to a great extent. In the report of the Department of Indian Affairs almost all of them are enumerated as Roman Catholics, even the pagan tribes of Comox, Victoria, and Na- naimo, where their old customs are still rigidly adhered to. Among the Nootka the Roman Catholics have gained considerable influence.

In my preliminary report I have dwelt upon the present state of these Indians, the causes of their discontent, and the incapacity of white settlers to understand the peculiar culture of the Indian, The establish- ment of industrial schools, which is now taken up energetically, is a great step forward, and will help the Indians to reach independence and

to retain or regain self-esteem, one of the foundations of progress. I will not repeat the statements made and the views expressed last year. It is

to be hoped that by a considerate land policy, by the encouragement of industries rather than of agriculture, and by an attempt to develop existing institutions instead of destroying them the Indians will in course of time become useful men and good citizens.

PHYSICAL CHARACTER.

_ The physical characteristics of the coast tribes are very uniform. This 1s undoubtedly due to the frequent intermarriages between the various tribes, which have had also a distinct effect upon the various languages, some of which have borrowed great numbers of words from the languages spoken by neighbouring tribes. I shall refer to this fact later on. The habitus of the northern tribes of this region is similar to that of Kast Asiatic tribes—a fact which was observed by R. Virchow, who examined a number of Bilqula who visited Berlin in the winter of

00 Saree

12 RErORT—1 889.

1885-86. This similarity is very marked among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl and Bilqula, toa less extent among the Nootka, while the Coast Salish and the Salish of the interior show a different type. As the Bilqula speak a language belonging to the Salish family, it must be assumed that they acquired their distinct physical character through intermixture with the neighbouring tribes.

Many tribes of this region are in the habit of deforming the heads of their children. I noticed three different methods of deformation, ‘The tribes of the northern part of Vancouver Island use circular bandages by means of which the occiput acquires an extraordinary length. Ix- cessively deformed heads of this kind are found on the northern part of the west coast of Vancouver Island among the K‘oski‘m6, Farther south a strong pressure is exerted upon the occiput, a bandage is laid around the head immediately behind the coronal suture, and a soft cushion is used for pressing down the forehead. The Flatheads proper compress forehead and occiput by means of boards or hard cushions. It seems that the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian never practised the custom of head-flattening. It is unfortunate that no observations on the Tsimshian of the upper Skeena River exist. Those at the mouth of the river have frequently intermarried with the Tlingit, Haida, and Héiltsnk’.

Among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian and Héiltsuk: the custom pre- vails of perforating the lower lips of the females. In these perforations, which are enlarged with increasing age, labrets are worn, which are in some instances as long as 40mm. and as wide as 20mm. ‘The men of all the coast tribes have the septum perforated, the operation being per- formed in early childhood. LKarrings are worn either in a series of per- forations of the helix or in the lobe of the ear.

Chiefs’ daughters, among the Tsimshian, have the incisors ground down to the gums by chewing a pebble of jade, the row of teeth thus assuming an arched form.

Among the Nootka sears may frequently be seen running at regular intervals from the shoulder down the breast te the belly, and in the same way down the legs and arms. Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among the Haida; on arms and feet among the Paimebi in, Kwakiutl, and Bilqula ; on breast and arms among the "Nootka ; on the jaw among the Coast Salish women.

Members of tribes practising the Hamats’a ceremonies (see p. 55) show remarkable scars produced by biting. At certain festivals it is the duty of the Hamats’a to bite a piece of flesh out of the arms, leg, or breast of a man.

The women of the Kwakiutl tribes wear very tight anklets, which prevent free circulation between feet and legs. These anklets leave lasting’ impressions.

Before describing the general features of these tribes I give a table of measurements. Unfortunately I was not in possession of a glissiére, and therefore no great weight is attributed to the measures, which onght to be made with that instrument. A T-square, to which a movable arm was attached, was used as a substitute. The seven individuals, all male, were measured in the jail at Victoria, kind permission having been given by Major Grant. I did not consider it advisable to make anthropometrical measurements in the villages of the natives, as I feared to rouse their distrust, and had nowhere time to become well acquainted with them. It

is alt pome

Gj of | | | Maxim | Maxim @ |} Chin tc 2 | Chin te Ee | Root 0) | Width 6 S } ” ie ' . | is . ” | Distance ue ” =|... | hin te ww} Tracus oy Nose, h Tr W Mouth, Kar, he Horizor Vertica to ea Length. Height Facial j Nasal iy

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 13

is almost impossible to use profitably a very short time for both anthro- vometrieal and ethnological collections. The following individuals were measured :—

Haida,

a, while

pe. As Haida : 1. Gétgalgi’o (Samuel), 25 years old; raven gens; must be native of Coal Harbour. through

2. Johnny Dixie, cire. 50 years old; native of Skide-

needs ict a gate. ; vgs Th a Tsimshian: 38. Johnny, circ. 32 years old; native of Fort Simpson. ; yn, 18 s ts 2 ; aritleccios a 4, William Seba’sa, e/re. 28 years old; raven gens ; andayes ! { ae ; 2

" ® native of Meqtlakgatla. : th. Kx. = jtlakgatle

cr

Peter Vann, Kesuwi’tk, evre. 25 years old; wolf gens ; native of Meqtlakqatla. Kwakiutl: 6, Nalakyutsa, cire. 50 years old; native of Fort Rupert,

n part of ier south 1 around

#3

Seis

ma) nie'y

ushion is : Nootka: 7. Wispu, circ. 25 years; Nitinath. compress q a Eh “te ae ae 7 seems a : eS Kwa- |. | It ; a Haida Tsimshian kiut] |Nootkal ustom ot Fi | ‘ : ~ if - 7 = | ‘simshiau §f peers at ° re mice ver havo & 28 | of st | is og 2 | ‘ S 5 2 bol ow es mY S

2a |e ti eS jad iad eet | - Benless| B28 |\4e2/282| Fe | Ss | ede PE ekeh| ae |SSe na BE ES | AE. | forations, Sarlass| Ws | Bari dar! 8 | as |

. — Sin lye b, SS a EDs ae meee

ch are in SONR(SZS| Se |SSRISESH] SL] &s

es |B? 8 SRST Ne pad As ae eb nen of all eg |b ‘S| ame ba |ra | as | Bs | ing per- RE 5 5 E erie | 5 p | a WaG a H

es of per-

s ground I. HEAD. |

nebh thus | mm. mm. | mm, mm. | mm. | mm. mm. | . Maximum length . ; ~{| 192) 203; 201 192} 199] 206) 189 | Maximum width . , i 149 159 | 154 | 160 159 | 175 | 162 sh regular BARR) toichtofear . . . .| 140| — | 1971 1971 1961 1801 136 | the same | Chin to hair ; F ‘ 7 1096 213 | 208 | 201 188 200 190 | ast, back, % | Chin to root of nose. ‘ ; 180 | 118 | 128 | 126) 122] 121 127 simshian, | Root of nose to mouth , ; 76 86 | 90 81 ve | 81 78 | + on the Widthof face between zyg. arch. 154 142 151 146 151 138 152 | ’ 5 » angles of jaw 114 — | 102 104 114 — 122 | _ » of sup. max, bone EP OOs|) LOS Dees SU ZS TE LOBE I Ane kee op. 55) Distance of edges of orbits : 107 120 | 108 108 113 121 121 s it is the i) inner corners of eyes | 38 | = 37 388 | 85 88| 88) 40] | is, leg, or ” outer corners of «yes 95 | 96 98 | 95 98 92 99 | Chin to tragus , i F 146 | 150) 156 152 | 144 152 156 | ; Tragus to root of nose ‘ ; 112} 112; 124 119 114 107 129 | i ts, which Nose, height ee BB i — | 657 62 4 BA 60 | ) ets leave ww WHER Ne. be]. 40) Be) 8B] Be) Se ai] Mouth, length ; ‘ 56 57 | 56 66 | 64 57 59 1 Rar, height eiey 76 76 73 70| 67 eT % table Bi Horizontal circumference . .| 681) — | oo 578 | 603 | — _ svere, an Vertical circumference fromear | 358} —- | — | 3865| 341] — —

ought to arm was

to ear

II, INDICES.

ale, were | given by Length-width index . ‘ ; | 776 | 78:3 | 766 33 | 79:9 | 85:0 | 85:7 = awietpl eal Height of ear index . : bates — 63:2 | 66:1 | 63°3 | 63:1 | 714 ‘e Facial index ; : . | 844 | 83:1] S41 | 86:3 | 80'8 | 877 | 83:6 puse their Nasal index : 4 ; .| 655) — 666 | 53°2 TOA | GEE | 68:3 |

them. It

REPORT— 1889.

la l l eras | abut Haida Tsimshian Bear | Nootka) are | Sin Fm ad lee lg | com| \\3 2 . 3 ss] 2 "t | 53 : Pa [RE | Ee | str | 2. ga2| 23 (32 | obta: Le : age) ce | ee | ably |= 3 (oe) we bee | the ¢ >) Soa) 6 -. -— 5 as os ee 3.5 bear jae | ys «df ES | pulle | | = Aa |e | and t Bits Se ah a4 pea = ee first Ill. Bony. to oc Total height . . . |1,689 | 1,608 | 1,637 | 1,649 | 1,589 {1,575 | 1.711 | The Distance between finger-tips,the | 1,705 | 1,692 |1,727 | — | 1,676 | 1,664 | 1,829 | proso arms extended horizontally | | narro Height of chin. 11,441 | 1,853 | 1,413 | 1,405 | 1,856 | 1,843 | 1,470 quent = top of sternum, » {1,865 | 1,287 | 1,806 | 1,317 | 1,278 | 1,273 | 1,391 ; » shoulder (right) —. | 1,882 | 1,311 | 1,313 | 1,829 | 1,321 | 1,292 | 1,403 | selagnd ox Bs * (left) . — | 1,286 on oo mes aaah il straie » elbow (right) + | 1,071 | 968 | 1,007 | 1,025 | 995 | 965 | 1,065 south » wrist. . 825 | 752 | 768| 826] 776] 760| 814 | north i second finger 612 | 670) 571 | 614) 697) 571 | 618 | ficial ‘: nipples. » | 1,210 | 1,105 | 1,143 (1,205 | — | 1,188 | 1,280 | Fp y navel .| 970} 913] 933 | 946] 876] 897] 985 : » —_ erista ilii 940 | 930] 930} 943] 905] 933 | — F any pl 3 symphysis. ; . —_ 835 851 — — 832 | — | 5 freque a perineum , ‘ — 711 721 —_ —— 714 — | * none ¢ i ant. sup. iliac spine . | — 873 | 870} 892] 857} 851] — ® occur: $ trochanter .| 861] 841] 829) 8265} — | — |] — tees % patella... 444] 4441 400] 427] 488] 4299/ — | f 638 quit 5 malleolus internus Toons 86 83 = at BE coe | 4 but th i seventh vertebra. | — | 1,362 | — | 1,400 | 1,353 | 1,299 | 1,475 | ~ Kwaki vertex in sitting 873 876 | — — 873 O14 | — Their W id: ‘h between iliac spines -- 267 267 | — a a — | a the w} - iliac crests —' § Goel Boe) owe | me | OBR] ae | ree 5 trochanters —_ 314 814 | oa 289 —~ Bf at Circumference of chest 910 | 980} 960] 940} 950} 925} 945 e crania si waist 800 | 815 | 822] 822 25 | 860] 727 » the Sa i thigh — 508 | 524] — — | 480); — = ever, is calf of leg — 311 | 8655} — — 810 | — = ‘Tsimsl Length of thumb 67 65 60 63 57 63 65 | M ay | second finger 98 | 101 97 97 97 98 93 | gam -Useul Width of hand at fingers . |} 84} 82] 82] 84 | 85 84 78 4 measur Length of foot. | 243] 245 | 241] 236 | — | 245] 251) (3% ing pa; [eee wees cient tiniag: Pita eae ed Nace Seer ann EAE Reapaaek Not It appears from these tables that the size of these Indians varies con- Seen pi siderably ; including measurements of nine Bilqula, made by R. Virchow The ers Yy3 Shay) i 4 : q Y : (see ‘ Verh. Ges. f. Anthr., thn. u. Urg.’ 1886, p. 215), the average height suture is 1,655 mm., the extremes being 1,743 mm. and 1,542 mm, Iam under may be narrow

the impression that, as regards size, the Coast Salish are much smaller than the other tribes. The distance between the tips of the finger, the arms being extended, is in all cases greater than the total height. The skin is very light, resembling that of Huropeans. Only No. 6 of the above table has a somewhat reddish hue. This, however, is due to the fact that he is the only one among the inaividuals measured who does not wear trousers and shirt, but still adheres to the ancient custom of wearing a blanket. In most cases the hair is black, smooth, coarse, and

duct arg skull ig which r Nos. cation ¢ sidered occiput,

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 15

—siisien A abundant. In a few cases it has a brownish tinge. In all tribes there foatka| ; are a few individuals who have slightly wavy hair. In the village of | .

ES

Si’menos, in Cowitchin Valley, I observed wavy or even curly hair comparatively frequently. It is worth remarking that the Indians have a tradition referring to this fact, which shows that this peculiarity has obtained for several generations. The eyebrows are thick, and remark. ably wide on the outer side, This peculiarity may also be observed in the carvings of these tribes. The eyebrows are carefully trimmed. The beard is sparse, but it must be remembered that the hair is generally | ~ pulled out as it appears, particularly on the cheeks, while the moustache | — and the chin-tuft are allowed to grow. Theirisis dark brown. Virchow first pointed out the frequent occurrence of the plica interna, I found it to occur very gencrally, particularly among the Haida and Tsimshian. The face is wide, the cheek-bones prominent, the index chame- prosopic, averaging (including Virchow’s measures) 83:1. The nose is narrow, the root narrow and depressed. The ridge of the nose is fre- quently depressed, particularly among the Haida and Tsimshian; while among the Nootka, Kwakiutl, and Salish I observed very generall straight or slightly hooked noses. It seems that the heads of the southern tribes are decidedly more brachycephalic than those of the

northern tribes; but it is difficult to decide how far that is due to arti- ficial deformation.

Hh

as Bi :

uf

Wispu from Nitinath, circa 25 years

Krom the limited material at my disposal, I do not venture to describe any physical features as characteristic of one tribe or the other. The feat frequent intermarriages between the various tribes make it probable that 1 f j none of them shows peculiar somatological characteristics which do not lj — * oceur also among the neighbouring tribes. Notwithstanding this fact, it - is quite possible to distinguish individuals belonging to various tribes, lees | 4 but this is principally due to the variety of artificial deformations. The b | 1.475 _ Kwakintl havea remarkably deep sinus in the hair at its anterior margin. 914 | Their heads are very long and wide, particularly when compared with — | | the width of the face. 3| — | a I am unable in the present report to give a full description of the y 945 | | crania and skeletons I collected ; the latter belong principally to tribes of rs 797 A the Salish stock. I have only asingle Tsimshian cranium, which, how- idee ever, is of some interest. Plates I. to VI. are orthogonal tracings of four »| — Tsimshian crania. No, 2 to 4 are from the Morton Collection in the B | 65 Museum of the Academy of Natural Sciences at Philadephia. The i i measurements of this series of crania are given in the table on the follow- 5B | 251 ing page.

Notes.—No. 1 was a syphilitic individual. Marks of the disease are

, ee icular 1e bregma and on > rig variete >, ries con- seen particularly around the bregma and on the right parietal bone

; The cranium is asymmetrical, more particularly the occiput. The sagittal iV irchow ag : : ; : rate AY 5. a hotalib suture in its hind part is depressed, while slight indications of a ridge a whaee may be seen in the part immediately behind the bregma, The face is smaller narrow as compared to the other specimens. The grooves of the lachrymal ts ‘We duct are comparatively small. The most peculiar feature of the present The skuli is its dental and alveolar prognathism of the upper row of teeth, ‘of the which project considerably over the lower one. D

4 the Nos. 2, 8, and 4 show very marked sagittal ridges. There is no indi. oe does cation of premature synostosis, and I conclude that this must be con- ans of sidered a characteristic feature ot these skulls. No. 3 has a flattened

Seae tut ae = occiput, but without any compensatory flattening of the forehead. This : %

adeeeieetities sing eee

16 KEPORT—1889,

shows that the flattening is not intentional, but merely the result of the hardness of the cradle board on which the child was kept. The ceci- pital spine and protuberance of No, 3 are very strongly developed, but they are very marked in all the crania. ‘The ve vtical plate of the ethmoid bone and the nasal process of the maxillary bones are in Nos. 2 and 38 much distorted,

Tsimshian.

Il. ITT. IV.

| oe ap Philadel- | Philadel- | Philadelphia, No, 85 phia, phia, _ No, 987, | “Male. No, 213. No, 214. | Youth, about | > Mule Female j18 years of ayre CRANIA. 1. Horizontal Jength ; ‘ 176 188 176 | 177 2. Maximum length, ; ‘ 176 190 176 178 3, - width . 135 147 135 147 4, Minim im sy idth of forchead 89 91 87 95 5. Total height. { ; ; 130 134 12 129 6. Height 4 tee 110 112 112 112 | 7%, Length of basis ‘ ad 95 109 100 95 8, Width of basis. | 99 119 106s | 102 9, Length of pars basilaris cs} 29 32 31 25 10, Max. width of For. Magn. . 32 33 28 30 11, Max. length of For. Magn.. | 43 35 35 36 12. Horizontal circumference |. | 500 ~— — 520 13. Sagittal circumference .| 868 — oe 366 | 14. Vertical circumference. .| 801 —_ — 330 15. Width of face | 97 106 105 | 90 | 16. Width between zygm, arc hes | 126 149 139 124 17. Height of upper face | 69! 81 | 69 65 18. Height of nose | 49 57 | 52 19 19, Max. width of nose ra 26 24 25 22 20, Width of orbit oe ae 4] | 40 4} 191. Height of orbit . .. 32 36 85 36 22, Length of palate . 50 59 D4 (45) 23. Width of palate at second 35 38 38 35 molar | 24, Width of palate at posterior | 40 — 47 42 end 25, Length of face. ‘ vel 96 102 98 95 26. Angle of protile | 83° 88° S625 5p -- INDICES, Length—width . ; ; | 767 | 78:2 | T67 83:0 Length—height . ‘ ; ; 79 | 71:3 | 72:1 72:9

I do not intend, in the present report, to treat of the deformed crania of the southern tribes. Suilice it to say that three methods of deformation are practised in British Colambia: (i) the conical one, which results in the long heads of the Kwakintl, and which is also used by the Gatloltq ; (ii) the flattening by means of cushions and bandages, re esulting in asymmetrical hyperbrachycephalic heads; and (iii) flattening by means of boards. It may be of interest to show the effect of these methods upon the length and width of the crania, The second group comprises: only crania flattened by means of cushions. I add a short column of crania with little or no

deformations.

! Height of face, 116.

SES Be sion on os

- bs

NRE al ta

je a ae eee

LE Et BE

A I

vera ilies

Th

session

10.

Ler

10a, W

bile

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 17 nt f the iN BC Cae a Mae deca! Teel tee meets ~ oe om occi- 1, Comox 2. San‘tch | 8. Songish 4 0 é a ea eM | LE) eae ee te Se a eS a re oe a i ; 1, but | Length | Width | Length Width Length Length | Width ; My imoid : eee a fetes A O'S 8 No tak Zh ett ack ie and 3 | Wi. of ce oe 158 192 b 44 4 ted . | 181 149 160 147 186 14t > in | 173 | (138 171 153 183 142 ; | = 7 169 | 181 162 158 176 | 139 ie i , | 179 | 146 141 152 178 144 fe ; Iphia, | 177 135 =| 161 156 190 and : im 87, | 178 113 156 155 189 143 a | i, about a | 186) 147 147 138 180 140 Bi 3 Of agre ag 171 138 156 137 180 140 a — EA 174 139 169 164 187 146 f Bs 175 142 164 163 195 157 hie F a eek. ei | is 2 tas i = } 1 pence oes eee ea ae ; nano ev iA el Average . . 175 142 159 153 185 l4t ' 3 fm 8 =oIndices . 811 96-2 178 95 oa a i ee eee eb ee : 29 st The following are measurements of a few Songish crania in the pos- (ip Me * session of Dr. Milne, of Victoria, British Columbia. ned 95 sae : 02 i i } ¢; oe Songish Crania. Wt 36 aie [ I III. | f es | ane shia eacienismpiin — - 2. ‘a ae 1. Horizontal length . 183 c -- 181 ; iy 90 2, Maximum length =. ; : : 183°5 153 181 124 3. Intertuberal length . i ; : 1825 146 180 . 65 4, Maximum width — . : é 139°8 1546 154 49 5. Minimum width of fore head F cr 98 98 97 99 6. Total height . : ; : ‘ 143°2 123°2 138°5 | j 41 7. Heightofbregma . . «SC. 141 122:3 137 | : 36 8. Height of ear . é i ‘ 114 106 117 (45) | . Height from ear to vertex : i lit We 123 i 35 10. Length of basis ‘ ( é ‘ 103 89 101 loa. Width of basis : F : . 111°2 106 118 \ 49 11. Length of pars basilaris . ; ‘ — 23°5 29 ‘ a 12. Max. width of foramen magnum . 33 34 | 375 | 95 13. Max, length of foramen magnum . B45 | 29 34 et 14. Horizontal circumference : ¢ 523 485 535 i] | | 15. Sagittal circumference . , <1 375 321? 382 ; } | 16. Vertical circumference . é ; 320 828 B35 | ' 17. Width of face . P P : 105 915 | 103 §3°0 18. Width between zygom. arch . | 146 | 130 | 1485 | ii 729 19, Height of face . ‘ ‘ : —_ Love | — | ———— 20, Height of upper part of face . «| 725 | 61 76 ius rania of 21. Height of nose ; : ‘ : 5O | 47 DA ro) mation 22. Max. width of nose . ; F ea ay aa 22 | 265 | e FE tn tho 23. Max. width of orbit . : ‘ : 420 B85 44 the 24. Horizontal width of orbit F i 415 38 41 | (it) t xe 25, Maximum height of orbit : jal 865 35 875 netrical 25. Vertical height of orbit . : ; 37 35 36 | ds. It 27. Leneth of palate : : 49 | 15 | 515 | th and 28, Width of palate at second molar. 34 35 | 4] ‘itened | 20, Width of palate at posterior end. 46 | BY | 47 a 30. Length of face. j ‘ ‘ el 102 88 100

e or no

1 Vertex 25 mm. behind bregma, * 124 Sut. nas, front. to bregma, 222 Lambda, 248 interparietal sut.

a | ii | 18 REPORT—1889. ou ; | Finally, I give a series of measurements of seven crania from Lytton, E oa probably of the Ntlakyapamuq, collected a number of years ago by hes i. ai Dr. G. M. Dawson, who kindly had the measurements made at my request, on ea z ii Skulls from Lytton B. O. in the Museum of the Geological and Natural i pi ; History Survey of Canada. pe pre - la No, No. No, No, No. 8a, | No, j 4 = 868 | 869 | 870 | 871 | 872 | 878 | 874 she Yt i | ——— — — act i } \ tok i eS length P . | 174 185 =| 167 173 182 175 173 me; le 2. Horizontal length ‘ ; (¢ — 167 | 172 181 175 | 169 tem ' 3. Maximam width ‘ | 189 | 140 | 188 | 189 | 131 lit 32 f 4, it inimum width of forehead | 94 96 OL | 86 a w6 o3 , ia 5. Total height . , | 127 | — | 182 | 181 | 185 | 184 | 18 acti fi Lg Height oteae «et ELD bee. | OR PRT RE 1 098 1 80 of fi ; 7. Length of basis . : .| 99 — 97 | 96 9 108 | 102 but | 8. Horizontal circumference , | 497 | 516 485 | 497 | 506 G16 Hy vani } | 9, Sagittal circumference — , | 846 | 875 346 | BE 386 | 3419 | 346 acti | 10. Vertical circumference | 814 321 805 | 807 B07 B24 311 ae | tl. Widthotface’. <« ..; 30% | =< | 12 | WS [ft | ige | — ; of h | 12. Width between zyg. arch , | oo | — — |127 |185 | — | — sligh 13. Height of face. , .| 62 — 68 | 72 64 69 64 i hone | 14. Height of nose . , ole cou | — | 62 | bb 49 10 17 pecu | 15. Width of nose, ‘ ~ p oot | — 93 | 25 23 | 26 | 22 | 16, Angle of profile. . «| 88° | — | 70% | 80°) 88° 85° | 82° ae el See ee pean ee ee ae Soe ; ee ne their ; Le worth stellt index .| 804] 75:7) 826! 804] 724] 82% 78:1 : hung A a Se Oe eT ET Sa Ee TE Oe Se ee = arent < mceeetaneaetneisiewewtinit 4 most g [t Senses AND Menta CHaracters. f 6oandh ! It is only with a considerable degree of diffidence that I venture to aK, express an opinion on the senses, mental capacity, and character of the (| natives of British Colambia, Observations made in the course of a few - athan, days hardly entitle an observer to judge of the mental faculties or of the = servic virtues and vices of a people. The only tribes with whom I came into 4 brcthe closer contact are the Tlatlasik‘oala of “Hope Island and the Qatloltq 2 Sawn) of Comox, among both of whom I lived for a few weeks in 1886. 3 same The Indians of the whole coast are able-bodied and muscular, the —~ thia-ol upper limbs being very generally better developed than the lower ones, ; as the constant use of the paddle strengthens arms and chest, They A have a keen sight, but in old age become frequently blear-eyed, presum. © ably an effect of the smoke which always fills the houses. I have not 4 It made any experiments regarding their acuteness of sight, hearing, aud variou: smell. Their mental capacity is undoubtedly a high cne. The state of seems, their culture is ample proof of this. I have expressed my opinion regard- connec ing the possibility of educating them at another place. Th The best material for jndging their character is contained in their It seer stories, in which appears what is considered good and what bad, what Vancot i commendable and what objectionable, what beautiful and what other wise. the bar Regarding the last point, whiteness of skin and slenderness of limbs is 7 the ste] ‘ considered one of the principal beauties of men and women. Another gg sinews, beauty of the latter is long, black hair. In some tales red hair is de- Fa used for scribed as a peculiar beauty of women. Red paint on the face, tight- 9 lion are fitting bracelets and anklets of copper, nose- and ear-ornaments of dancing

variegated haliotis shells, and hair strewn with eagle-downs add to the Phaser a

ytton, yzro by 1 mest,

‘ural

enture to or of the of a few or of the ame into

Catloltq

ular, the ver ones, kt. They presum- have not ring, and e state of n regard-

in their bad, what thers yise. limbs is Another air is des ce, tight nents of Kd to the

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 19 natural charms, The fact that in hononr of the arrival of friends the house is swept and strewn with sand, and that the people bathe at such occasions, shows that cleanliness is appreciated, The current expression is that the house is so cleaned that no bad smell remains to offend the guest. For the same reason the Indian takes repeated baths before praying, ‘that he may be of agreeable smell to the Deit

The Indian is grave and self-composed in all his actions. This is shown by the fact that playing is not only considered undignified, but actually as bad. In the Tsimshian language the term for ‘to play’ means to talk to no purpose; and doing any thing ‘to no purpose’ is con- temptible to the Indian.

He is rash in his anger, but does not easily lose contrel over his actions. He sits down or lies down sullenly for days without partaking of food, and when he rises his first thought is, not how to take revenge, but to show that he is superior to his adversary. A great pride and vanity, combined with the most susceptible jealousy, characterise all actions of the Indian, He watches that he may receive his proper share of honour at festivals; he cannot endure to be ridiculed for even the slightest mistake; he carefully g ane all his actions, and looks for due honour to be paid to him by friends, ‘angers, and subordinates. This peculiarity appears most clearly in al festivals, which are themselves an outcome of the vanity of the natives, and of their love of displaying their power and wealth. ‘lo be strong, and able to sustain the pangs of hunger, is evidently considered worthy of praise by the Indian; but fore. most of all is wealth,

It is considered the duty of every man to have pity apon the pocr and hungry. Women are honoured for their chastity and for being true to their husbands; children, for taking care of their parents ; men, for skill and daring in hunting, and fer braver y in war,

Closely connected with their vanity is their inclination to flatter the itranger or friend, but particularly anyone who is expected to be of service to the Indian, Vanity and servility are the most unamiable traits of his character, Wit and humour are little ¢ appreciated, although they are not wanting. The character of the Indian, on the whole, is sombre, and he is not given to gentle emotions. Even his festivals have this character, as he retains his ‘dignity throughout.

Foop—Huvntine ano Fisuinag—Cioraina—IMpLeMENTs.

It is not the object of this report to give a full description of the various kinds of food and of the methods of hunting and fishing. It seems, however, desirable to mention the most important points in connection with this subject.

The principal part of the food of the natives is derived from the sea. It seems that whales are pursued only exceptionally, rough the West Vancouver tribes are great whalers. Sea-lions and seals are | arpooned, the barbed harpoon-point being either attached to a bladder or tied to the stem of the boat. The harpoon lines ave made of cedar-bark and sinews. The meat of these sea-animals is eaten, while their intestines are used fon the manufacture of bowstrings and bags. The bristles of the sea- lion are used by the Tsimshian and the neighbouring tribes for adorning dancing ornaments. Codfish and halibut are canght by means of h oks, These are attached to fish-lines made of cedar-twigs, or, what is more B 2

2 Bi Se PTR

20 neport—1889,

frequently used, of kelp, The hook, the form of which is well known, is provided with a sinker, while the upper part is kept afloat by a bladder or by a piece of wood, The hooks are set, and after a while taken up, Cuttle-fish is extensively used for bait. The fish are either roasted near or over the fire, or boiled in baskets or wooden kettles by means of red- hot stones, Those intended for use in winter are split in strips and dvied in the sun, or on frames that are placed over the fire. I did not observe such frames among the tribes south of the Snanaimuq. The most im. portant fish, however, is the salmon, which is caught in weirs when ascending the rivers, in fish-traps, or by means of nets dragged between two boats, Later in the season salmon are harpooned. For fishing in deep water a very long double-pointed harpoon is used, Herring and olachen are caught by means of a long rake, The latter are tried in eanves filled with water, which is heated by means of red-hot stones, The oil is kept in bottles made of dried and cleaned kelp. In winter dried halibut dipped in oil is one of the principal dishes of the tribes living on the outer coast. Fish, when caught, are carried in open-work wooden baskets. Clams and mussels are collected in a similar kind of basket. They are eaten roasted, or dried for winter use, Cuttle-fish are canght by means of long sticks; sea-eggs, in nets which are fastened to a round frame. Fish-roe, particularly that of herrings, is collected in great quantities, dried, and eaten with oil,

Sea-grass is cut in pieces and dried so as to form square cakes, which are also eaten with oil, as are all kinds of dried berries and roots. The

Fig. 1. Kwakiutl and their neighbours keep their provisions in large boxes. These are bent ont of thin planks of cedar. At those places where the edges of the box are to be, a triangular strip is cut out of the plank, which is thus reduced in thickness. Then it is bent so that the sides of the triangle touch each other.

After three edges have been made, the sides of the fourth are sewed together. The bottom is either sewed or nailed to the box. The lid either overlaps the sides of the box (fitting on it as the cover on a pill-box) or moves ona kind of hinges. In the latter case it has always the following form.

The Coast Salish keep their stock of provisions on a loft, with which every house is provided,

In winter deer are hunted. Formerly bows and arrows were used for this purpose, but they have now been replaced by guns. The bow was made of yew-wood. The arrows had stone, bone, and iron points. The bow was held horizontally, the shaft of the arrow resting between the first and second finger of the left hand, that grasps the rounded central part of the bow, wh ‘e the arrow is held between the thumb and the side of the first finger. eer are also captured by being driven into large nets made of cedar-b k, deer-sinews, or nettles. Hlk are hunted in the same way. For smal ranimals traps are used. Birds are shot with arrows provided with ¢ :hick wooden plug instead of a point.

Deer-skins are worked ato leather and used for various purposes, principally for ropes, and .ormerly for clothing. The natives of this region go barelegged. The principal part of their clothing is the blanket. This is made of tanned skins, or more frequently woven of mountain- sheep wool, dog’s hair, or of a mixture of both. The thread is spun on the bare leg, and by means of a stone spindle. The blanket is woven ona

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ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 2)

solid frame, Another kind of blanket is woven of soft cedar-bark, the warp being tied across the weft. They are trimmed with fur. At the present time woollen blankets are extensively used. Men wear a shirt under the latter, while women wear # petticoat in addition, Before the introduction of woollen blankets, women used to wear an apron made of cedar-bark and a belt made of the same material. ‘The head is covered with a water-tight hat made of roots, In rainy weather and in the canoe a water-tight cape or a poncho, both made of cedar-bark, is used, ‘The women dress their hair in two plaits, while the men wea: it com- paratively short. The latter keep it back from the face by means of a strap of fur or cloth, Har and nose ornaments are extensively used. ‘They are made of bone and haliotis-shell.

Besides the baskets mentioned above, a variety of others are used, some made of died seaweed, for keeping sewing-utensils ; others made of cedar-bark, for storing away blankets. Still others are used for carrying the travelling outfit. They have two straps attached to them, one passing over the brow, the other over the breast, of the carrier. Water- tight baskets made of roots are used for cooking purposes and for holding water. Mats made of cedar-bark, of reed, and of rushes are used to a great extent, for covering the walls of the house, for bedding, for packing, for travelling in canoes, &e.

In olden times work in wood was extensively done by means of stone implements. Of these, only stone hammers are still used. They are either carved stones, flat on one side, and having a notch in the middle, attached to a handle by mean” of a leather strap, or they are similar in shape to a pestle. Trees were felled with stone axes, and split by means of wooden or horn wedges. The latter are still extensively used. In order to prevent the wooden wedge from splitting, a cedar-bark rope is firmly tied around its top. Boards are split out of trees by means of these wedges. ‘They were planed with adzes, a considerable number of which were made of jade that was evidently found in tle basin of Fraser and Lewis Rivers. Carvings were made with stone knives. Stone mortars and pestles were used for mashing berries and bark, the latter for being mixed with tobacco, Paint-pots of stone, with two or more excavations, were extensively used. Pipes were made of slate or wood.

Canoes are principally made of cedar-wood. After the tree has been felled, about one-third of its thickness is removed by means of wedges, the outer side worked according to the proposed dimensions of the boat, and then the tree is hollowed by means of axes, fire, and adzes, When the sides of the canoe have almost reached the desired thickness, it is filled with water, which is heated by means of red-hot stones. Thus the wood becomes pliable, and is gradually shaped. In large canoes the gunwale is made higher by fastening a board to it. The northern tribes use the so-called ‘ Tsimshian canoe,’ which has a high prow and a high stern, The southern tribes use the ‘ Chinook canoe,’ which has a smaller prow, and the stern of which is straight up and down. Some other types of boats are used for the purposes of war and fishing. The boat is propelled and steered by means of paddles. In hunting there is a steers- man in the stern of the canoe, while the harponeer stands in the stem. It seems that sails have been used only since the advent of the whites. They are sometimes made of mats of cedar-bark. Most of the large boats have names of their own. For fishing on rivers very narrow canoes are ased, which differ somewhat in shape among the various tribes.

Sl Saw |G

eer snarl

22 REPORT-— 1889,

The Salish of the interior and the Lower Kootenay also live to a great extent npon fish. They use dug-out canoes, in which they navigate the Jakes and rapid rivers. Fish are ycanght by means of hooks, but principally in bagrets. Deer, elk, mountain goat, big-horn sheep, and bears ave hunted extensively, At the present time these tribes raise considerable numbers of hors¢s, which are used in hunting and travelling. The upper Kootenay are principally hunters. They used to cross the mountains and hunt buffalo on the plains. The Salish dress in the blanket, in the same way as the coast tribes do; while the clothing of the Kootenay resembles that worn by the Indians of the plains. T hey wear moccasins, leggings, breeches, and a buckskin jacket, trimmed with metal and le: ther fringes, Men and women wear braids wound with brass spirals and trimmed with beads.

The art of pottery is unknown in British Columbia, and in the eastern parts of the province little carving in wood is done. Large baskets serve for cooking purposes. Stone hammers and pestles and mortars are still used throughout the Province.

I cannot give a satisfactory account of the arts and industries of the tribes of the interior, as these have been supplanted by the use of Huro- pean manufactures, and old implements are scarce and difficult to obtain.

Hovses.

The coast tribes live in large wooden houses. The plan of the honse of the northern tribes differs somewhat from that of the Coast Salish, although the mode of construction is the same. The framework of the house con- sists of heavy posts, which support long beams. ‘The walls and the roof are constructed of heavy planks, T hose forming the walls rest upon strong ropes of cedar-bark connecting two poles, one of which stands inside the wall, while the other is outside. The boards overlap each other in order to prevent the rain from penetrating the house. ‘The boards forming the roof are arranged like Chinese tiles. ‘The rain flows off on the lower boards, as through a gutter.

The house of the northern tribes is square. It faces the sea. A platform of about two feet high and four feet wide rans all around it inside. it has a gable roof, which is supported by one or two beams resting on two pairs of heavy posts which stand in the centre of the front and of the rear of the house, ‘he door is between the pair of posts standing near the front of the house. Three or four steps lead up to the door, which is on the platform. Very large houses have two or three plat- forms, and thus attain, to some extent, the shape of an amphitheatre. Tie houses are generally occupied by four families, each living in one corner. Small sheds are built on the platforms, all along the walls of the houses. They serve for bedrooms, ach family has its own fireplace, near which the-enormous family settee, capable of holding the whole family, stands. Some of the houses of the Héiltsuk: and Bilqula are built on posts, the floor being about cight feet above the ground. In these houses the fireplaces are made of earth and of stones. The Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit make a hole in the centre of the roof for a smoke- escape, While the Kwakintl r-erely push aside one or two boards of the roof.

The houses of the Coast Salish and Nootka are very long, being occupied by a great many families, each of whom owns one section. The roofs are highest in the rear part of the house, and slope downward

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honse of although yuse con- the roof n strong iside the in order ning the 10 lower

sea. A round it o beams the front of posts p to the iree plat- hitheatre. ¢ in one Ils of the fireplace, 1e whole are built In these imshian, la smoke- the roof. g, being n. The pwnward

iat

«

ON THE NORTII-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 23

towards the front. There is also a platform running along the walls of the houses; but while in the houses of the Kwakiutl it is made of earth, here it is carefully buitt of wood, All along the rear wall of the horse, which is somewhat higher than the opposite, runs a loft, which is about five feet wide. It is used as a storeroom. There are no sheds serving for bedrooms, but the beds are arranged on the platforms.!

The houses here described are found in stationary villages. In travelling small sheds made of bark, of wood, or of branches are used.

The Salish of the interior used to live in subterranean houses, access to which was obtained from above. These were used in winter, and afforded a good shelter from the severe cold. In summer tents were used.

The Kootenay live in large lodges, the framework of which consists of converging poles. They used to be covered with buffalo hides, but now canvas is mostly used.

SocraL ORGANISATION,

J. G. Frazer, in his comprehensive review of totemism, defines the totem as ‘a class of material objects which a savage regards with supersti- tious respect, believing that there exists between himself and every mem- ber of the class an intimate and altogether speciai relation. As dis- tinguished from a fetish, a totem is never an isolated individual, but always a class of objects.’ Accepting this definition, I will try to outline the peculiar kind of totemism as observed in British Columbia. Among the Kootenay and Salish of the interior I did not find the slightest trace of the existence of totems.

The Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Héiltsuk’ have animal totems. The first of these have two phratries—-the raven and eagle (or wolf) ; the T’simshian have four totems—raven, eagle, wolf, and bear; the Héiltsuk’ three—raven, eagle, and killer (Delphinus orev), «Animal totems in the proper sense of this term are confined to these four peoples.. They are uot found among the Kwakiutl, although they belong to the same linguistic stock to which the Héiltsuk: belong. The clans of the four peoples mentioned above bear the names of their respective totems. These phratries or clans are exogamous. It must be clearly understood that the natives do not consider themselves descendants of the totem. The Tlingit, for instance, who believe in a transmigration of souls, state clearly and plainly that a man will be born again as a man, a wolf as a wolf, a raven as a raven, notwithstanding the fact that the animal and a member of its clan are considered relations, Thus the wolf gens will pray to the wolves, ‘We are your relations; pray don’t hurt us!’ But not- withstanding this fact they will hunt wolves without hesitation. So far as Lam aware, this is true of all tribes, although the opposite view has frequently been expressed. All my endeavours to obtain information regarding the supposed origin of this relation between man and animal have invariably led to the telling of a myth, in which it is stated how a cer- tain ancestor of the clan in question obtained his totem. The character of these legends is uniform among all the peoples of this region; even further south, among the Kwakiutl and the northern tribes of the Coast Salish, who have no animal totem in the restricted sense of thisterm. As these legends reveal the fundamental views the natives hold in regard to

' See ‘The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia,’ Proc. U.S. National Museum, (888, pp, 197-218. 7

24 REPORT—1 8&9.

their totems, I shall give abstracts of some of them. ‘The following are from the 'l'simshian.

The Bear Gens.—An Indian went mountain-goat Lunting, When he had reached a remote mountain range he met a black bear, who took him to his home, taught him how to catch salmon and how to build boats. Two years the man stay ed with the bear ; then he returned to his village. All people were afraid of him, for he looked just like a bear, One man, however, caught him and took him home, He could not speak, and could not eat anything but raw food. Then they rubbed him with magic herbs, and he was retransformed into the shape of a man. Thenceforth, when he was in want, he went into the woods, and his friend the bear helped him. In winter, when the rivers were frozen, he caught plenty of

salmon. He built a house, and painted the bear on the front of it. His sister made a dancing-blanket, the design of which represented a bear. Therefore the descendants of his sister use the bear for their crest.

The Whale Gens.—-Tstremsa’aks went out fishing. After he had been out three days without having caught a single fish, “he cast anchor at the base of asteep hill. His anchor fell upon the ‘house of the w hale, who drew the boat to the bottom of the sea. ‘l'wo years he remained with the whale, who tanght him his dance, and gave him the ornaments of his house. When Tseremsia’aks returned he was grown all over with seaweed. The time which he had staid at the bottom of the sea had seemed to him two days, but he had been there two years. He built a house, and painted the whale upon its front. He also used the mask and the blanket of the whale when dancing. Since that time the descendants of his sisters use this design.

There is another tale belonging to the Raven Gens of the Tsimshian: Yaqugwono’osk was the descendant of a man who had been taken to the bottom of the ocean like Tsgremsi‘aks. He was a great chief, and once invited all chiefs of the whole earth to a great feast, which was to be celo- brated at Nass River. All the monsters of the whole coast came, using whales (Delphinus orca) for their boats. They were so numerous that the river was fullof them. They landed and entered Yaqagwon6’osk’s house. Whenever one of them opened the door water flowed into the house. Each wore his peculiar clothing. The first to enter was Kuwi’‘k (this and the following names are those of dangerous points and of rapids). He was followed by Tlkwats’a’q, Kntepwé’n, Ktlkuo’l, Spaed’ana’‘kt, Kspaha'watlk. These last were very dangerous, and used to kill everyone passing their houses. The most dangerous monsters were seated in the rear of the house, the others around the platform nearer the door. The next to enter was Lak‘anprtsé’qtl He wore a head-ring, which was made of twigs that passers-by used to give him in order to secure his good-will. Then came Wulnebalg‘itlso’ks and Wuder’ano’n (=great hands). Yaqagwond’osk gave everyone what he liked best: fat, tobacco, red paint, and eagle-down. All present promised to abstain henceforth from killing people, and after their return removed from the track of the canoes plying between the villages. Yaqagwon6’osk imitated the dresses of all his guests, and since that time he used them. His descendants, therefore, have all the sea-monsters on their heraldic columns.

These legends, of which I have given a few examples, do not belong to the whole gens, but to a subdivision of the same. Only the descendants in the female line of the ancestor who had an adventure of the kind

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The

The their re hection always Stikin

H @ ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 25 4 are described—that is, his nephews and nieces, and their descendants in the 4 fer.ale line—use the emblems he obtained in consequence of lis adventure. : . he a This accounts for the diversity of emblems and the variety of their grouping ES 00k p on the carvings, paintings, and tattooings of the Indians. In these cases vats. 8 the whole group would therefore more properly be styled phratry than age. 4 gens, The raven and wolf (eagle) groups of the Tlingit and Haida are nan, pre-eminently phratries. Each gens, which forms a ‘subdivision of the and phratries, derives its origin from one of these mythical ancestors who agic had an encounter with one of the animals of the phratry. orth, The following is a partial list of the totems of each of the two phratries bear of the Tlingit :— i ty of : I, Raven: Raven, frog », sea-li rl, sal beaver, cod fis] ; His ‘ . Re } , goose, sea-lion, owl, salmon, beaver, codfish + bear (w &q), skate. ie § ; IL. Wolf hay Wolf, bear, eagle, Delphinus orca, shark, auk, gull, been sparrow-hawk (g’ano’k), thunder-bird. t the Among this and all other tribes of the coast the crest of a group in- my a cludes those animals which serve as the food of the animal from which the ti oe group takes its name. ; 1h The ; As an example I ennmerate the gentes of the Stikin tribe of the ; a E [lingit, the only one with members of whom I came into closer contact. se au I give e also the chief emblems of each gens :— ; iy cet of I. Wolf: Nanai’ri or siknaq’a’dé, bear (corresponds to the Kagonta’n isters of other Tlingit tribes), BR Qok'é'dé, Delphinus orca, | hian : a II. Raven: K'asq’agué’dé, raven. ra o the 2 Kyiks’a'dé, frog. once K:ate’a'dé, raven. p cele- ‘ Tir hit tin (=bark house gens), beaver. using : Détlk-o6/dé (=people of the point), raven. at the ; K-agan hit tan (=swn house gens), raven. house. Qétlkoan, beaver. ti | nouse, ; bos uwi’k : Among these the gens Nanaa’ri has six houses, the people of each , and _ forming a sub.gens :— kuo’l, a 1. Hara’e hit tan, porch house gens. | ;, and 4 2. Tos hit tan, s shark house ¢ gens. nsters : 3. K’eétgo hit tan, tform 4, Qiits hit tan, bear house gens. re in The names of the remaining two houses I did not learn. : and The proper names of members of the various gentes are derived from ii hat he their respective totems, each gens having its pec uliar names. The con- pol etaed nection between name and totem is sometimes not very clear, but it I avod always exists. Here are a few examples taken from gentes of the 1, PS no’osk Stikin tribe :— tad

them. raldic

Nanad'ri names :

Male: Tluck’s’, ugly (danger face), referring to the bear. i belong fae Gaqé’, crying man (referring to the howling wolf). ndants : Séktutlqetl, scared of his voice (to wit, the wolf's). kind Ank'aqu’ts, bear in snow.

NEA Ee RO PIE

so ll a th ie Ts a

26 REPORT—1889.

Female: Qute gya’s, standing bear. He lung djat, thunder-woman. Kun djat, whale-woman.

Qok:é'dé names :

Cak‘a'ts, head-stick (reference doubtful) Gouq nart’, slave’s dead body (reference doubtful).

Détlk'oédé names: Yétl redé’, little raven. Tié‘neqk, one alone (the raven on the beach). Hiqte tlé’n, great frog. Yetl k'u djat, raven’s wife.

The social organisation of the Haida is very much like that of the Tlingit. They have also two phratries, raven and eagle. Their totems are also similar to those of the Tlingit, but they are differently arranged. The most important difference is that the raven is ev c.ablem of the eagle gens.

I, Eagle phratry (Gyitena’): Eagle, rave i, frog, beaver, shark, moon, duck, codfish (1’i’ma), waski (fabulous whale with five dorsal fins), whale, owl.

II. Raven phratry (K’’oa'la): Wolf, bear, Delphinus orca, skate,

mountain-goat, sea-lion, ts’k’mads (a sea-mon- ster), moon, sun, rainbow, thunder-bird.

From some indications I conclude that the division of emblems be- Sweet the two phratries is not the same among the Kaigani and the tribes of Queen Charlotte Islands, but the subject requires farther study, The phratries of the Haida are divided into gentes in the same way as those of the Tlingit. They also take their names, in the majority of cases, from their houses. The people of Skidegate village (‘lk:agitl), for

instance, are divided into the following gentes :—

I. Eagle phratry : Na yi'ans qa ‘etqu, large house people.

Na s’i’yas qi al ‘etqa, old house people. Dj aaquig ‘ib? ena, Gyitingits ‘ats,

II, Raven phratry: Naéku’n k‘érani’i, those born in Naéku’n, Djaaqui’sk'uatl’ adagi ul (extinct). Tlqaiu la’nas, K-astak’é'raua/i, those born in Skidegate Strect.

The following gentes are said to exist in one of the Kaigani villages. I did not learn the gentes of the eagle phratry.

I, Ts’atl la’nas, eagle. II. Yak‘ li‘nas=middle town. Raven. Yotl u.as :had’i/i'!=raven house people. k ‘at nas :had’a’i=shark house people. gutguneé’st nas :had’i/i=owl house people.

' sh of the Kaigani dialect stands for g of the other dialects. It is an h preceded by a slight intonation.

F called Kran at wh precec names of th takes, house: of col

> The le

2 the er

; events

embler

phratr

used b

dividec

Th ing to one ew frow, wash ay

ee Wa CS ate

the Cag

Any a Tling emblem reckone

The that of raven, ( wolf, L followin

a

cor

m Co

Fa ] ace

The! Cc le ass pec initiated middle.e distinet ( for chiefs

f the otems nged.

eagle

shark, sulous

skate, 4-mon-

ms be- 1d the study. 1e Way rity of 1), for

Strect. ilages.

receded

SCAG

Mies Ser p

Peco

issih

esis igi reese

~I

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. -

qo/nte nas :shad’a’i=bear house people.

na kal nas :had’a/i=empty house people. tid nas :had’a’i=copper house people.

kun nas :had’a/i=whale house people. g’rgihé’t nas :had’a’i=land-otter house people. <’6t nas :had’é/i=sea-lion house people.

:hot nas :had’i'i=box house people.

k’0k’ nas :had’a’'i=snow-owl house people.

From the first of these lists it will be seen that two of these gentes are called from the locality which they formerly inhabited. Wemiaminow and Krause noted a few Tlingit gentes which were also named from the places at which their houses stood, and one name of this kind is found on the preceding list on p. 25, The majority of gentes are called from the names and emblems of their houses. If a new house is built by the chief of the gens it receives the name of the old one, the place of which it takes. These facts show that the houses must be considered communal houses of the gentes. The members of the gens are connected by ties of consanguinity, not by an imaginary relationship through the totem. The latter exists only inside the phratry. It must be borne in mind that tlie emblems of the gens are on/y emblems commemorative of certain events, that they do not indicate any relationship between man and emblem, This becomes particularly clear in the case of the Haida phratries, where the raven is the emblem of the eagle phratry and is not used by the raven phratry. Gentes of great numerical strength are sub- divided. The houses of each gens always stand grouped together,

The single gentes do not possess the whole series of emblems pertain- ing to the phratry. Among the Skidegate gentes enumerated above, the one called Na s’a’yas has the following emblems: raven, shark, eagle, frog. Their chief has, in addition to these, the fabulous five-finned whale wosk and the fish ?a'ma (codfish P). Before giving a festival the child of the eagle gens must use no other emblem but the eagle.

Any Haida who has the raven among his emblems, when marrying a Tlingit, is considered a member of the raven phratry, and vice versi, the emblems always deciding to which phratry an individual is to be reckoned,

The social organisation of the Tsimshian is somewhat different from that of the preceding group of peoples. They have four gentes: the raven, called Kranha’da; the eagle, Laqski’yek (=on the eagle) ; the wolf, Laqkyebo’ (=on the wolf); and the bear, Gyispotuwe'da. The following is a partial list of their emblems.

1. Kranha’da: Raven, codfish, starfish.

2. Laqski’yek: Eagle, halibat, beaver, whale.

3. Laqkyebo’: Wolf, crane, grizzly bear. 4, Gyispotawn’da: Delphinus orca, sun, moon, stars, rainbow, grouse, tseEm’aks (a sea-monster),

The Tsimshian are divided into three classes: common people, middle- class people, and chiefs. Common people are those who have not been initiated into a secret society (vy. p. 52); by the initiation they become middle-class people; but they can never become chiefs, who form a distinct class, Hach gens has its own proper names, which are different for chiefs and middle-class people. It seems that, as a rule, the names

Biv fea ts di

LY

in

28 REPORT—1889.

are common to all tribes, with the exception of a few chiefs’ names, which will be noted later on. These names are different, according to

the gens to which the father belongs, and have always a reference to the father’s crest. Here are a few instances :-— j are

t

p Big ie

(bo

K-anha'da names. ou

], A Kanha’da woman marries a Laqski’yek man, eno

Middle-class names :—

Male: Néesytila/ops=grandfather carrying stones. ken Female: Laqtlpo’n=on a whale. fish Chiefs’ names :— lion r Male: Néeswoksena’tlk=grandfather of the not-breathing one. y Net i Female: Ndsé’edsd’a'loks=grandmother of ? rf pate : Ndsé’ets 1é/itlks=watching’s grandmother. te faa ; -.9 Senay : wtaee A : Lid’amloqda’u=(eagle) sitting on the ice. = olan 3 r U - , ale 4 i 2. A Kanha’da woman marries a Gyispotuwz’da man. re as th i Name of female : Nebo/ht=making noise to each other (killers). each 1 Names of male: Wud’adai'u=large icebergs (floating at Kuwa'k). the d Wiha’= great wind. ie home i . I Lagski' yek names. we 1. A Laqski’yek woman marries a Kanha/da man. the s] ud Male: Wonlo’otk (raven)=having no uest. house 2. A Laqski'yek woman marries a Laqkyebo’ man. " dese Female: Dumdéma’ksk=wishing to be white. = Ty I a Lhe 3. A Laqskiyek woman marries a Gyi'spotuwe’da rian. . =e futile Names of females: Wibd’=great noise (of killers), otk To = . . ‘ lowey Wine’eq=great fin (of killer), ie N ae ; 7 : ome. Names of males: Qpi’yélek=half-hairy sea-monster (abbreviated S Gadnn from Qpi lit] hag’ul6’oq). ba ee a) > ¥s . 16 Hats’eksneé’eq=dreadful fin (of killer). ® ait : alichte became Lagkyebo' names. pe AnkA ‘ : : pursue 1. A Laqkyeb6 woman marries a Laqski'yek man. r= intoa Chief’s daughter’s name: Saraitqag’i/i=eagle having one colour of | life, an

his par

wings, yy They sg:

Fe / RNY é ‘ Gyispotuwz'da names. S ilittle b ; 1, A Gyispotawr/da woman marries a Kanha’da man. F eagle. 8 red ced i Female: Ba’yuk (raven)=flying in front of the house early in the | Sits morning; abbreviated from Se0d’pgyibi/’yuk. The eldest daughter is heaven . . ash | me always given this name. Then h > In each village the houses of members of each gens are grouped

iM together. The phratries of the Haida correspond to the Tsimshian

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA,

mes, ng to 0 the

gentes in such a way that raven and eagle on one side, wolf and bear on the other, are amalgamated,

The Héiitsuk: of Milbank Sound are also in the maternal stage, and are divided into clans having animal totems. There are three of them :—

1, K’dinténoqg (raven people), raven, starfish, sun, g’og‘ama’tséd (box in which the sun was kept before the raven liberated it). Their house is painted all black,

2. Wik’oak'Hténoq (=eagle people). Thunder-bird (K:ani’sltsna), an enormous dancing-hat.

3. Ha/Iq’ainténog (=killer people). Delphinus orca, K'omd'k‘oa, A huge mouth is painted on the house-front, the posts are killers, two fish named Meluani/gun are painted at both sides of the door. Sea- lions (which are considered the dog of K:6m0’k‘oa) are the crossbeams.

The most southern tribe which belongs to this group are the one. i Awiky’é’noq of Rivers Inlet. Further south, and among the Bilqula,

rE patriarchate prevails. The social organisation of these tribes differs

* fundamentally from that of the northern group. We do not finda single

3 clan that has, properly speaking, an animal for its totem; neither do the clans take their names from their crest, nor are there phratries. It seems as though the members of each gens were really kindred. The ‘ first’ of 3 cach gens is said to have been sent by the deity, or to have risen from e the depth of the ocean or the earth to a certain place which became his home.

I shall give abstracts of a few of these legends, which will explain the character of the clans of the Kwakiutl.

Helikitikila and Litlemdk'a,—Helikilikila descended from heaven in the shape of a bird carrying a neck-ring of red cedar-bark.'! He built a house and made a large fire. Then a woman called Lotlemik‘a rose from under the earth. He spoke to her: ‘ You shall stay with me and he my sister.’ Theneeforth they lived in opposite corners of the house. ~ The Kwats’é’nok* had heard of Hé’likilikila’s neck-ring, and made a ‘ : futile attempt to steal 7t. When one of them entered the house where He'likilikila was sleeping, he was stricken with madness. Heé’likilikila, however, cured him, gave him the ring, and the Kwats’é’nok’ returned ; home. Since that day they dance the Tsétsa’¢k‘a, in which rings of red peviated 4 a bark are used.

: Li'laga.—-T'wo eagles and their young descended from heaven and i alighted at Qu’maqaté “(Cape Scott). They took off their eagle-skins and became men, The father’s name was Nalaqotan; that of the mother Ank‘i’laynk‘oa; and the young was called Le‘laqa. One day the latter pursued a seal, which, when far away from the coast, was transformed into a cuttle-fish, and drowned Lé’laqa, After a while he awoke to new : life, and flew to heaven in the shape of an eagle. Then he returned to

his parents, who had mourned for him, for they believed him to be dead. They saw an eagle descending from heaven, In his talons he carried a little box, in which he had many whistles imitating the voice of the

eagle. He wore the double mask Naqnakyak‘umtl and a neck- ring of { red cedar bark. He became the ancestor of the yens Nre’ntsa,

Se'ntlaé.—Skr'ntlaé, the sun, descended in the shape of a bird from heaven, assumed the shape of a man, and built a house in Yik*’a’men. i: Then he wandered to K:‘6’moks, visited the Tlau'itsis, the Nemk-ic, and

ee

lers). uwik).

-<

accsananernn ytanene?

anti etmerSTa MATa SAE

olour of

y in the rhter 13

brouped

imshian ' It couveys the secrets of the winter dance (see p. 58).

~

aeahenieiadenntintininenircm net Ee ee

Ei eticie

30 REPORT—1 889,

Na’k‘oartok’, and finally reached Tliksi’uaé (=the plain t the mouth of the river, where clover-root is found), in the country of the Kwakintl, where he settled at K''aioq. He took a wife among each tribe whom he visited, and his family has the name Sisintlé. He resolved to stay in Tliksi/naé, and took a Kwikiutl woman for his wife. They had a son, whom they called Tsqtsqi’lis, On each side of the door of their house they painted a large sun, The posts are men, each carrying a sun, They are called Léla’qt’otpes, and were Su’ntlaé’s slaves. The crossbars resting upon the posts also represent men, while the beams are sea-lions. The steps leading to the house-door are three men ealled Tlé’nonis, During the winter dances the Sisintlé use the mask of the sun, Tlé’selak'umtl; in the dance Yia'wiqa, that of the dog Ku loqsa (=the sun shining red through the clouds), who descended with Sr‘atlaé from heaven, Their heraldic column is called Sratlé’qém. It represents a series of copper plates, on the top of which a man called Laqt’otpes (singular of Lela’qt’otpes=he who gives presents to strangers only) is standing. Above all is the mask of the sun emitting rays,

Of special importance is the connection of the ancestors of these gentes with Ka‘nikilak’ (meaning doubtful), the son of the dcity. He is the ancestor of a gens of the Nak‘o’mkilisila, who, npon the strength of this legend, claim a superiority te all others. This point seems of sufficient importance to be given in greater detail. I was told that in the far west there lived a chief called Ha’nitsam (the possessor of arrows), who had a daughter called Aintsuma’letliloky (with many earrings of haliotis shells), K-a’nikilak’ went into his boat K:ok:d/malis, and after long wandering he reached Hia’nitsum’s house. He married the latter’s daughter, and took her home to Koi/né (near Cape Scott). They had a son, who received the name of Ha’neus. He lived to bea great chief, ;

K-anikilak’ wandered all over the world. In his wanderings he encountered the ancestors of all gentes of the various Kwakiutl tribes, made friends with them, and filled the rivers of their conntries with salmon. J give an example of this ki: 1 of tradition. K-anikilak: met Nomas, the ancestor of the Tlauitsis. ite was the first to make fish-lines of kelp to catch halibut; therefore the Tlauitsis were the first tribe to

K-anikilak’ made friends with Nomas, and filled the rivers of

use these. ‘I ‘ his country with salmon. He met O’meatl, who was sitting on an island. When the latter saw K:anikilak’ approaching, he pointed his first finger towards him, which perforated K:anikilak:’s head. Then the latter perforated Omeatl’s head in the same way. Now they knew that they were equally strong, and parted. r

In some cases it is very difficult to decide whether a group of men deriving their origin from one of these ancestors is really agens ora tribe, particularly in those cases in which the tribal name agrees with that of the ancestor of one of the gentes; for instance, Ma’malélék‘ala (col- lective of Malélék‘ala), or Weé’wek'aé (collective of Wé'k'aé). A con- siderable number of tribal names and the majority of names of gentes are simply the collective form of the name of the ancestor. Others are taken from the regions inhabited by the tribe.

It appears that a tribe of the Kwakiutl must be defined as a series of gentes, whose ancestors first made their appearance in a certain well- defined region, Thus the ancestors of the Nak‘o’mkilisila gentes appeared on or near Cape Scott; those of the Tlatlasik‘oala on or near Hope Island,

It tales iq shall ort R

i sun,

ad, of crand

3.

4, | 4S 6, FE Heraldi crane, r ean: beaver ¢ &. H Bear, th

h of intl, n he y in "gon, Ouse sun. sbars ions. onis. sun, =the from ants a Yotpes

these

dcity. m the

point as told ssessor ) many y' malis, narried Scott). to be a

nes he | tribes, 3 with k: met sh-lines vibe to ivers ol on an ted his hen the ww that

of men a tribe, that of la, (col- A con: ites are » taken

ries of th well- ppeared Island,

senha eet SMSC AF NORA Sit diss. TAN Ao

ON THE NORTIL-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA,

of the Kwakiutl in Hardy Bay. No other connection between the several gentes seems to exist, We shall see later on that the Coast Salish have the same organisation, with the exception that the gentes are named on a different principle, The latter, however, have only very slight indications of crests, while the crests play an exceedingly important part in the life of the Kwakiutl.

In order to make clear the organisation of these tribes, I will enu- merate the divisions and gentes of one group of tribes.

The following four tribes which inhabit the north-eastern part of Vancouver Island form one group I enumerate the tribes, subdivisions, and gentes of this group according to their rank.

1. Kwa ‘kiutl, called by the Bilqula and Coast Salish, Kwako’otl; Fort Ruper t.

Subdivisions: 1. Kué’trla, so called by the tribes north of Van-

couver Island,

Gentes: 1, Maa’mtakyila, 2, Kwokwi’kum. 3, Gye’ qsim, 4, Li’: alaqse nt’aid. 5, Si’sintlaé.

. K’d’'moyue (=rich people), War name : Kué'qa (=murderers).

Gentes: 1, Kwokwi’/kum. 2, Ha‘anatlind. 3, Pri hag Ue (=crab). 4, Haailakyawé or La’ gsé. Gyi'gyilk‘am.

a OW alah woliatleatie great Kwi Aicintt

Gentes: 1, Ts’ents’enuk‘aid, 2, Gyé’qsrm. 3, Wa'ulipoée. 4, K’Omkyitis (=the rich ride).

2. Mamalélek‘a'la. East of Alert Bay.

Geates: 1, Tr’mtemtlets. 2, Wédmask'am. 38, Walas, 4, Ma’malélek‘am.

3. Ne’mkic, K'a’matsin Lake and N vimltish River.

Gentes : 1, Tsétsétloa’/lak’amaé, 2, Tlatel’a’min. 3, Gyi'gyit- kam, 4, Si’sintlaé. 5, Né’nelky’énoq.

4, Tlauitsis, Cracroft and Turner Islands.

Gentes: 1], Si/sintlaé. 2, Ninemasek‘alis. 3, Tlétlkét. 4, Gyi’gyilk'am.

It remains to describe briefly their crests. Every gens has certain tales in which the reason for their using these crests is explained. I shall confine myself in this place to a list of erests of the tribes of Port Rupert.

1. Mia’mtakyila: Carvings: Thunder-bird, crane, grizzly bear, raven, sun. Mask: Ma’takyila, sun.

2. Kwokwa‘kum: Ancestor, Tli/k‘oaki’la, Posts: Grizzly bear on top of crane, thunder-bird, crane, sun.

3. Gyé’qseEm: Crane on top of a man’s head.

; Lia/alaqsEnt’aid : Delphinus orca with man’s body.

. Se/ntlaé: Sun.

6 Hiailikyawé: Large head-ring with raven head attached to it. Heraldic colamns: ‘'T'sdnd’k‘oa, grizzly bear, thunder-bird; Si’siutl, crane, raven,

7. Kwokwia’kum. Ancestor, No’lis. Dancing utensil: Bear with beaver tail. Post: Sea-lion. Heraldic column: Pole, man on top of it.

8. Ha’anatlind. Mask: Man, ontop of whom moonandeagle. Posts: Bear, thunder-bird,

32 REPORT—1889,

9, Tsenik’aid. Post: Tsenuk’aid (a species of eagle). Beams: Sea-

lion. Post: Ts/n’nuk'’aid. Heraldic column: A little man with a thick

belly. 10. Gyé’qsem, Heraldic column; Long pole, the base of which rests

onaman, on top of which stands a crane, its beak turned downward, and a double-headed snake (Sisintl).

This very fragmentary list shows that each gens uses certain carvings for certain purposes. The details of the carvings of their houses are prescribed by the legendary description of the house of the ancestor, and so are their masks and their heraldic columns. I would eall attention to the important fact that the dincing implements and the dances themselves belong to the crest of the tribe, or, more properly speaking, to the customs and carvings to which the gens is entitled.

The distinction of what constitutes a gens and what a tribe is still more difficult among the Coast Salish. Their legends are very much like those of the Kwakintl. They tell of fabulous ancestors who descended from heaven and built houses, From these a certain group of families, who always inhabit one village, derive their origin. They call them. selves from the place at which their village stands, or which they claim as their original home. Whenever they leave their home, they take the name of their old village to the new place, although the name is generally a geographical one, taken from certain peculiarities of the locality. For instance, the name T’simé’nes means ‘ where the landing is close by the house,’ an epithet that was well adapted to their former village at the mouth of Cowitchin River, but not to their new home at Chimenes. Many such instances might be enumerated. Some of these gentes have certain prerogatives and certain carvings, but these are of very little importance when compared to those of the Kwakiutl, among whom they exert a ruling influence over their whole life. The Snanai- muq, for instance, have the following gentes: Té’wertqnn, Yé'ceqen, K-oltsi/owotl, Qsi’'loqul, Anué’nes. Among these only the first and the second are allowed to use masks, which have the shape of beavers, ducks, or salmon. Hach gens has its own proper names.

I have so far stated only in a very general way that the northern tribes have a maternal, the southern a paternal organisation, It remains to give some more details on this important subject. One of the main facts is, that the phratries, viz. gentes of the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Héeiltsak’, are exogamons, not only among each tribe, but throughout the whole region. A member of the eagle gens of the Héiltsuk:, for in- stance, cannot marry a member of the eagle phratry of the Tlingit. Those gentes are considered identical which have the same crest. T do not know whether any such Jaw prevails in the case of marriages between

the Kwakintl and Héiltsuk:, which, however, seem to be of very rare occurrence. Neither was I able to arrive at a fully satisfactory conelu- sion regarding the question whether marriages inside a gens of the Kwakiutl are absolutely prohibited, but I believe that such is the ease. This difficulty arises from the fact that the Kwakiutl considers himself as belonging half to his mother’s, half to his father’s gens, while he uses the crest of his wife. I do not know of a single instance of a Kwakiutl marrying a member of his own gens. The Salish gentes, for instance those of the Sk:q6’mic, are not exogamous, but I am not quite

ositive whether this is true in all cases. 1 do not intend in the present chipter to disenss the eustoms 1efer-

ri 80) sti gle un

rarer £0} of bur to ¢ ind hod whi pall Ame mot. mot] I] diale socia of th they had Kwal amon marri meml childy adopti in the still is the wife, marrie his cre howevé frequer of the this us vation, K’dmey has the his eres raven q Tlau‘its daught husbanc 80n of t chief of Am child bel name,

Che

ick

ests ard,

nos are and n to sives oms

still

1 like

nded

ilies,

hem-

claim

take

ne is f the nding ormer me at these ive of mong nanal- EQEN, d the lucks,

4hern bmains main shian, ghout or in- lingit. T do tween ry rare onelu- ff the 4 case. siders while le of a s, for quite

refer-

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, a3

ring to birth, marriage, and death, all of which have reference to the social organisation of these tribes, and which he Ip to gain a better under- standing of this organisation. It will be sufficient to mention a few facts gleaned from these customs which have special reference to the questions under discussion.

The members of a gens are obliged to assist each other on every occasion, but particularly when heavy payments are to be made to other gontes. Instances of this kind will be found later on in the description of the proceedings at the occasion of the building of new houses and at burials. It is a very remarkable fact that the gens of the male line has to do certain services at such opportunities which are not paid by the individual but by the gens. Thus a gens is not permitted to touch the body of one of its members; the burial is to be arranged by the gens to which the deceased’s father belongs. This solidarity of the gens is princi. pally found among the northern tribes, which are in the maternal stage. Among the same tribes mothers’ sisters are considered and called mothers, fathers’ brothers, fathers, while there exist separate terms for mothers’ brothers and fathers’ sisters.

It is a noteworthy fact that the Héiltsuk’ and the Kwikiutl, who speak dialects of the same language, differ fundamentally in regard to their social organisation, I am inclined to believe that the “natriarchate of the Héiltsuk' is due to the influence of the Tsimshian, with whom they have frequently intermarried, and upon whom the Héiltsuk: have had a considerable influence. But the marriage ceremonies of the Kwakiutl seem to show that originally matriarchate prevailed also among them. The husband always assumes, a short time after marriage, his father-in-law’s name and crest, and thus becomes a member of his wife’s clan. From him this crest descends upon his children; the daughters retain it, but his sons, on marrying, lose it, adopting that of their wives. Thus the descent of the crest is practic ally in the female line, every unmarried man having his mother’s crest; but still we cannot call this state matriarclhate proper, as the father is the head of the family, as he gives up his own crest for that of his wife. ‘This law is carried so far that a chief who has no daughters marries one of his sons to another chief’s son, the latter thus acquiring his crest. By this means the extinction of gentesis prevented. It seems, however, that the father’s gens is not entirely given up, for the natives frequently use carvings of both gentes promiscuously, but certain parts of the father’s gens, to which I shall refer presently, are excluded from this use. The following instance, which came under my personal obser- vation, will show the customs of the Kwakiutl regarding this point. K’dmena’kula, chief of the gens Gyi’gyilk‘am, of the tribe Tlatlasik‘oala, has the heraldic column of that gens, and the double-headed snake for his erest. In dances he uses the latter, but chiefly the attributes of the ‘aven gens. His mother belonged to the go Niinemasuk-alis, of the Tlau‘itsis; hence he wears the mask of that gens. He had an only daughter, who, with her husband, lived with him. She died, and her husband is the present owner of the heraldic column of the gens, The son of this daughter, at present a boy seven years of age, is “the future chief of the gens.

Among the Salish there is no trace of matriarchal institutions. The

child belongs to the father’s gens, the eldest son inheriting his rank and name,

C

34 REPORT-—1 889,

Closely connected with the gentes of the Kwakiutl are their secret societies, each of which has certain characteristic dancing implements, They are obtained by marriage in the same way in which the crest is obtained. There is, however, one restriction to the acquiring of the right to become a member of the secret society. The person who is to acquire it must be declared worthy by the tribe assembled in council. Not until this is done is the man allowed to marry the girl from whose father the right of being initiated is to be ac quired. This is even true regarding the ‘medicine men.’ The emblems of these secret societies are rings of red cedar-bark, of various designs. The connection of the gentes and these institutions may be seen from the legend ‘ Héli- kilikila and Lotlemak ‘a,’ which was told on p, 29.!

Although a few of the tribes inhabiting the country adjoining that of the Kwiakiutl have secret societies of the same character among them they are in no way connected with the gens, This fact, as well as the difference in the character of the legends of the gentes, proves that the social organisation of these groups of tribes is of entirely different origin. The southern groups derive their origin from a fabulous an- cestor who is either himself the totem or to whose adventures the totem refers, The first is the case in the gens Si’sintlaé, which derives its Origin from the sun,T's’p’nts’Enuk*’aid of the Walaskwakintl, which derives its origin from the eagle, and others. In the majority of cases the crest refers to adventures of the ancestor, In the northern groups we observe a@ pure animal totem, but the animal is not considered the ancestor of the gens bearing its name, The crest always refers to adventures of one of the ancestors,

GOVERNMENT AND Law.

The people of this country are divided into three classes: common people, middle class, and chiefs. While the last form a group by them- selves, the members of the class forming the highest nobility, children of middle-class people are born common people, and remain so until they become members of a secret society, or give a great feast and take a name. All along the coast the giving away of presents is considered a means of attaining social distinction. The chief has numerous prerogatives, although his influence upon the members of the tribe is comparatively small. I am best acquainted with his claims among the T'simshian, but it seems probable that these institutions «wc much alike among the various peoples. He has to carry out the dvcisions of the council ; more particularly, he has to declare peace and war, }iis opinion must be asked by the tribe in all important events. He deci ies when the winter village is to be left, when the fishing begins, &e. ‘Lhe first fish, the first berries, &c. are given to him. It is his. duty to begin all dances. He must be invited to all festivities, and when the first whistles are blown in winte t indicating the beginning of the dancing season, he receives a certain tribute. People of low rank must not step up directly to a chief, whose seat is in the rear of the house, but must approach him going along the walls of the house,

The highest in rank among all Tsimshian chiefs is the one of the Gyispaqli/ots tribe. His name is invariably Lugi’eq. He is considered

1 See the author’s paper on ‘The use of masks on the North-West Coast of America,’ in Znternationales Archir fiir Ethnographic, 1888,

non ee

SS eeoweenun,

assin (rune It desce back series is call] Se at Me Meqt iF comp] Th Gyitw every Wi then uy Chief’s is the O & chief, by the womgd The child en thus be higher ] become maturit 12), Confined

Whe

in irl is ret ion elie

t of yen, the the rent an- the 1g its rives crest serve

or of sf one

ymon them- ren of

h they name. means atives, htively n, put g the , more asked village berries, bust be winter, ertain whose

ng the

of the sidered

Noast of

Lear

Ree

ee

re

Le nan A ONTO TE AA

ON THE NORTH*WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. ao

the noblest, becanse a number of secret societios are only permitted to his family and tribe. This is accounted for by the fact that these secret societies were acquired by marriage from the Gyit’ama’t. Tr baikion says

and it is undoubtedly correct—that a woman of the Gyispaq!a ots tribe eloped with a Gyit’ama’t chief, to whose gens these dances Balonaed After her return the woman was given the name G ‘undema tl (= only in eloping ascending mountain), The name Lrgi’eq is a Gyit'ama’t name, It is a privilege of the Gyispaqliots to trade with the Gy itksa’n; and the 'V kept up this privilege successfully even agen the Hudson Bay Company until the latter purchased it from them in 1886. The ¢ Gyit’enda chie fs are relatives of those of the Gyirraciivotn, They share their privileges, and bear tho same names, the one Legi’eq excepted.

The Gyitqi'tla are considered higher in rank than any other of the tribes of the Tsimshian proper. They have the same secret societies which the Gyispaqliots and Git’rnda’ have, They acquired them through inter-marriage from the Gyitlo’p and Héiltsuk’. “Only quite recently the Haida acquired them from the Gyitqi tla.

The Gyits’umrii‘lon are not of Tsimshian origin. Six generations (that is, about 150 years) ago a number of Tongas (Tlingit), men and women, emigrated from Alaska in consequence of continued wars, and settled on the brook of Gyits’umrii lon, They married a number of Tsimshian women and men, among whom the names Rataqii’q and Astoé’né are mentioned. or a considerable time tlcy continued to speak Tlingit, but finally were assimilated by the Tsimshian, Their descendants are still called Gunhd'ot (runaways).

It is becoming to a chief to be proud and to leave his memory to his descendants. Therefore the Lrgi’eq, who ruled 150 years ago (the sixth back), had his figure painted on a vertical precipice on Nass River. A series of coppers is standing under his figure. Since that time the place is called Wulgyilegstqald’amptk (where self on written).

Seven generations ago Néswiba’sk (grandfather great wind), a chief at Meqtlak: qi’tla, had his figure carved on a rock on an island near Meqtlak: qi'tla, He lay down, had his outline marked, and the carving completed in a single night.

The Gyitga’ata of Grenville Channel are subjects of the chief of the Gyitw ulgya a'ta, They have to pay a tribute of fish, oil, berries, and skins every year, The Gyitli/op are subjects of the chief of the Gyitqa tla.

When a chief dies the chieftaincy devolves upon his younger He then upon his nephew, and, if there is none, upon his niece. Only, if chief’s family dies out the head man of his crest can become chief. T his is the only case in which a middle-class man can advance to the rank of achief. The chief’s property, as well as that of others, is inherited first by the nephews ; if there are none, then by the deceased’s mother or aunt. A woman’s property is inherited by her children.

There are very few common people, for whoever can afford it lets his child enter a secret society immediately after birth, by proxy. ‘The child thus becomes a middle-class man. The more feasts are given by him the higher becomes his rank, but no member of the middle class can ever become a member of the chief class. The chief’s daughter on reaching maturity must grind down her teeth by chewing a pebble of jade (see p. 12). So far as I know, this is the only deformation of the body which is confined to one class only.

When e family is liable to die out the father is allowed to adopt one

C2

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aN ae

deans nr caegeae ae

iy a 4 4 & i

i ii Risa

36 rEPoRT-—1889.

of his daughters, who then receives a name belonging to his crast. Gn this occasion a great festival is given. A man cannot adopt more than one child at a time.

The council is composed of middle-class men, Nobody who has not taken a name, or who is not a member of a secret society, is allowed to take part in it. The mother’s brother represents his nephews. A woman is only admitted if she is the head of a family.

The council decides all important questions concerning the tribe, and is the court which judges criminals. Those who are found guilty of sor- cery are tied up and placed at the edge of low water, and are left there to be drowned. According to legends, such people were frequently left alone in the winter village to starve to death. if a man does not observe the prescribed rules during dances he is tied and brought before the council. If nobody speaks in his favour he is killed, else he is punished by being made a slave, or by heavy payments. All crimes can be atoned for by sufficient payments. If such are not made it is the duty of the nearest relatives to take revenge.

The coast tribes have always been great traders, and they had a cer. tain currency. Dentalia, skins, and slaves were standards of value. For less valuable property marmot-skins sewed together served as currency. The Tsimshian used to exchange olachen oil and carvings of mountain- goat horn for canoes. The Chitlk‘at sold their beautiful blankets; the Heiltsuk’, canoes; while the southern tribes furnished principally slaves.

The latter were in every respect the property of their masters, who were allowed to kill them, to sell them, or to give them their liberty. Children of slaves were also slaves.

Strangers are always received kindly and with much ceremony, Among the tribes who still adhere to their old customs they are offered the host’s danghter while they remain.

So far as I am aware, the institutions of the Haida, Tlingit, and Héilt- suk’ are much the same as those described here. I did not learn any details, as I did not visit these tribes in their homes.

The following observations hold good for the Kwakintl and Coast Salish, as well as for the northern group of tribes. Polygamy is not of rare occurrence, although generally each man has only one wife. The first wife is of higher rank than those married at a later date. Women must not take part in the councils and feasts, except when they are heads of families (or, among the Kwaikiutl, chief's danghters) ; but the husband takes home from the feast a dish of all the various kinds of food that were served. The dish must be returned the same night.

The principal work of the women is gathering berries and clams, drying fish, and preparing the meals. They weave mats, blankets, and hats. The men, on the other hand, hunt and fish, they fetch fuel—if large logs are wanted—and build houses and canoes. They also make the carvings and paintings.

The property of the whole gens is vested in the chief, who considers the salmon rivers, berry patches, and coast strips, in which the gens has the sole right, as his property. Houses belong to the man who erected the framework. They are always inhabited by members of one gens.

Canoes, fishing-gear, &c. are personal property. Women own boxes, dishes, and other household goods.

The Kwakiutl—As among these tribes paternal institutions take the

place of maternal institutions, many laws are found that are not known

muc chil

chie If ¢ the unti Wife up. P distr T'sin mou pick Bor do n fount tion that regio the ( and ¢ the PY Claim ances there

in yan

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and sor- here left erve the shed oned

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boxes,

ake the known

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 37

to the nortkern group of tribes. If such is possible, the rank of each man is here still more exactly fixed than among their neighbours, The ‘auk is determined by the gens to which a man belongs, by the feasts he has given, and by the secret societies to which he belongs. In the list of gentes on page 31 I have enumerated the Kwakiutl gentes according to their social standing. In great festivals celebrated for the purpose of acquiring rank by giving away property, the noblest guests sit in the rear part of the house, nearest the fire, and the lower in rank the farther back they sit. When only one row is formed those lowest in rank sit nearest the door.

The affairs of the whole tribe are discussed in council, in which only men participate. Before the opening of the discussion four songs are sung and four courses are served. Then the public affairs are discussed in long and elaborate speeches, delivered principally by the chiefs. In time of peace there is no chief who has acknowledged authority over the whole tribe, but each gens has its own chief. A certain superiority of social standing is acknowledged in those who have given a great donation feast. In times of war a war chief is elected.

The chief represents his gens, and carries out the decision of the council. Hxcept on delivering speeches, he does not speak to people of low rank, but converses with them through messengers.

If a single person is offended, the gentes of both his father and mother are obliged to come to his help. Thus the long war between the Coast Salish and Lekwiltok originated. Formerly these wars were of so frequent occurrence that the villages all along the coast were protected by stockades.

The institutions of the Coast Salish and of the Kwakiutl are pretty much the same, except that the former have a pure patriarchate, and the child inherits his father’s rank and property.

Among the Skq0’mie, for instance, the chieftaincy devolves upon the chief’s son, If there is only a daughter his grandson is the successor. If there are no children a new chief is elected from among his gens. If the successor is a young boy a representative is elected who acts as chief until the boy is grown up and has assumed a name. If a man dies his wife inherits all the property and keeps it until her children are grown up. After the death of the husband she gives a potlatch to his memory.

Among all the tribes heretofore described each gens owns a certain district. and certain fishing privileges. Among the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian each gens in each village has its own fishing-grouad ; its mountains and valleys, on which it has che sole right of hunting and picking berries ; its rivers in which to fish salmon, and its honse-sites. Mor this reason the houses of one gens are always grouped together. I do not know of any tradition which accounts for this fact, or of any other foundation of their claim, The Kwakiutl, who have the same distribu- tion of land amoz,» ae various gentes, account for this fact by saying that the ancestor of each gens descended from heaven to the particular region now owned by his descendants. Later on K-anikilak’, the son of the deity (see p. 30), in his wanderings encountered these ancestors, and gave them the country they inhabited as their property, filling at the same time their rivers with salmon. The Coast Salish derive their claims to certain tracts of land in the same way from the fact that the ancestor of each gens came down toa certain place, or that he settled there after the great flood. The right of a gens to the place where 1f

e REPORT—-1889.

originated cannot be destroyed. It may acquire by war or by other

events territory originally belonging to foreign tribes, and leave its home to be taken up by others; the right of fishing, hunting, and gathering berries in their old home is rigidly maintained. A careful study shows

that nowhere the tribe as a body politic owns a district, but that each gens has its proper huating and fishing grounds, upon which neither

members of other tribes nor of other gentes must intrude except by special permission. It would be an interesting and important object of study to inquire into the territorial rights of each gens, for such a study would undoubtedly throw much light upon the ancient history of these peoples. These rigid laws in regard to the holding of land by the gentes are very important in the past history of the Indians of British Columbia, and are of prime importance in their present relations to the white settlers.

One of the most complicated and interesting institutions of these tribes is the so-called potlateh—the custom of paying debts and of acquiring distinction by means of giving a great feast and making presents to all guests. It is somewhat difficult to understand the meaning of the potlatch. I should compare its most simple form to our custom of invitation or making presents and the obligations arising from the offering, not from the acceptance, of such invitations and presents. Indeed, the system is almost exactly analogous, with the sole exception that the Indian is more anxious to outdo the first giver than the civilised Huropean, who, however, has the same tendency, and that what is custom with us is law to the Indian. Thus by continued pot- latches each man becomes necessarily the debtor of the other. According to Indian ideas any moral or material harm done to © man can be made good by an adequate potlatch. ‘hus if a man was ridiculed by another he gives away a number of blankets to his friends, and thus regains his former standing. I remember, for instance, that the grandson of a chief in Hope Island by unskilful management of his little canoe was upset near the beach and had to wade ashore. The grandfather felt ashamed on account of the boy’s accident, and gave away blankets to take away the occasion of remarks on this subject In the same way a man who feels injured by another will destroy a certain amount of property ; then his adversary is compelled to do the same, else a stain of dishonour would rest upon him. This custom may be compared to a case when a member of civilised society gives away to no good purpose a considerable amount of money ostentatiously i in order to show his superiority over a detested neighbour, 1 adduce these comparisons to show that the custom is not so diflieult to understand, and is founded on psychical causes as active in our civilised society as among the barbarous natives of British

Columbia. A remarkable feature of the potlatch is the custom of giving feasts going beyond the host’s means. The procedure at such occasion: is also exactly pearl iel The foundation of this custom is the solidarity of the individual and the gens, or even the tribe, to which he belongs. Tf an individual gains social distinction his gens participates in it. If he loses im respect “the stain rests also on the gens, ‘Therefore the gens contributes to the payments to be made at a festival. If the feast is given to foreign tribes the whole tribe contributes to these payments. The method by which this is done has been well set forth by Dr G. M. Dawson (‘ Trans, Roy. Soc, Can,’ 1887, page 80). The man who intends to give the potlatch first borrows as many blankets as he need:

one in t

vills

cary plan d rage of' tl was tribe Ther for ] (Sah were home ever, and t Yeqo gathe at Qt many north of the take 1 who ij war w couve to Na: maint and th ward ] iver

than that pot- ding made pther s his chiet upset med hway who then nour jen a rable er a stom es as itish iving sion: arity Ng's. Tf he gens ist is ents. Dr who heed:

wach eS

a

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 3

from both his friends and from those whom he is going to invite to th

feast. Everyone lends him as many as he can afford, i.e. according to his rank. At the feast these are given away, each man receiving “the more the higher his rank is, All those who have received anything at the potlatch have to repay the double amount ata later day, and this is used to repay those who lent blankets. At each such feast the gives it acquires a new and more honourable name.

Among the Snanaimugq I observed the following customs : The chief’s son adopts, some time after his father’s death, the latter’sname. For this purpose he invites all the neighbouring tribes to a potlatch. ‘The Sna- naimuq have a permanent scaffold erected in front of their houses, on which the chief stands during the potlatch, assisted by two slaves, who distribute the presents he gives away among his guests, who stand and sit in the street. As it is necessary to give a great festival at the assumption of the chicf’s name, the new chief continues sometimes for years and years

to accumulate wealth for the purpose of celebrating this event. At the festival his father’s name is given him by four chiefs of foreign tribes.

I will give here some details on the wars of this tribe. The warriors wore thor aghly trained. They were not allowed to eat while on the war- path, ‘ore setting ont on such an expedition they painted their faces

\Vhen near the v illage they intended to attack, the party divided ; one iialf hid in ihe woods. behind the village, while the others watched in their canoes. When the latter gavea sign both parties attacked the village. When successful, the men were killed, the women and children carried off as slaves. The heads of the slain were cut off, taken home, and planted on poles in front of the houses.

It may he of interest to hear the history of one of these wars that raged for many years about the middle of this century as told by a chief of the Snanaimuq. Koii'wlite, a chief of the Si’ciatl, had a daughter, who was the wife ofa chief of the Snanaimug. Once upon a time the former tribe was attacked by the Lé’kwiltok’, and many men had been killed.

Then Koi/rlite sent to the chief of the Snanaimuq and called upon him for help. They set ont jointly and met the Lé’kwiltok’ at Qu’sam (Salmon River). ta the ensuing struggle the Si’ciatl and Snanaimuq were victorious, but iiany of their warriors were killed. They brought home many boas of their enemies. The friends of the Snanaimuq, how- ever, were sad wlicu ihey heard of the death of so many of their friends, and they resolved t.: take revenge. They all, the Péna/leqats, T’ii’tekn, Yeqo'laos, Qelivitq, Quk'Emé’n, Snana' os, Snanaimuq, and Si‘ciatl, gathered and made war upon the Lé'kwiltok’. Another battle was fought at Qu’sam, in which the Lé’/kwiltok: were utterly defeated, and in which many slaves were captured. Now the Lékwiltok’ called upon their northern neighbours for help. They were greatly reduced in numbers ; of the Tlaa’luis only three were left. Then these tribes went south to take revenge, and in a number of battles fought with the southern tribes, who had meaushile been joined by the tribes of Pi iget Sound. While the war was thus «-ing with alternating success, part ‘of the tribes on Van- couver Island hu! vemoved to the upper part ‘of Cowitehin River, others to Nanaimo Rive er, “still others to the mainland. Posts were continually maintained to keep the tribes informed of movements of the Lé’kwiltok: and their allies. Once they had unexpectedly made an expedition south- ward before the tribes were able to gather. They had gone past Fraser tiver to Puget Sound and had massacred the tribes of that region.

man who

rm

REPORT—-1889,

Meanwhile those assemled on Cowicchin River had sent word to the tribes of Fraser River and summoned them: to come to the island. They told them to pass through Cowicchin Gap and to look on the shallow beavh on the north side of that channel for a signal. They obeyed. Meanwhue all the tribes on the island had assembled and determined to await the return of the Le’kwiltok’ in Maple Bay. To indicate this they erected a pole,

sprinkled with the blood of a blue jay, at the beach in Cowitchin Gap, and made it point towards Maple Bay. Thus they all assembled. E arly one morning they heard the Lé’kwiltok: coming. They sang songs of victory.

Unexpectedly they were attacked. Almost all of them were : slaughter ed,

their canoes sunk, and women and children enslaved. <A few reached the shore, but were starved near Comox. This was the last great battle of the war. The narrator’s father made peace with the northern tribes. He was the first to settle again on Gabriola Island. He emancipated his slaves. When peace was made the chiefs made their peoples inter-

marry.

I have no observations to offev on the government or laws of the Kutona’qa, except that usually the « —‘ 's succeeded by his son. If the latter is not considered worthy the ne nief is elected from among his family.

CustoMs REGARDING Birtu, Marriacr, AND Deatu.

Krause gives the following reports of the customs of the Tlingit observed at the birth of achild. He says that, according to Kemiaminow, the women are assisted by midwives. After the child is born the young mother has to remain for ten days in a small hut, which is erected for this purpose, and in which the child was born. T he new-born infant is washed with cold fresh water and kept in a cradle filled with moss. It is not given the breast until all the contents of its stomazh (which are considered the cause of disease) are removed by vomiting, which is promoted by pressing the stomach. A month after birth the mother is sa:\. to leave her hut for the first time; then she washes her child and puts on new clothing. For five days after birth the mother does not partake of any food, but drinks a little lukewarm water.

Among the Tsimshian I observed the following customs: A woman who is with child is not allowed to eat tails of salmon, as alse the confine- ment would be hard. She must rise early in the morning and leave the house before any of the other inhabitants leave it. Before the child is born the father must stay outside his house, and must wear ragged cloth- ing. After the child is born he must abstain from eating any fat food, particularly porcupine, seal, and whale. The mother is confined in a small house or in a separate room,

Numerous ceremonies must be observed when girls reach maturity. When about thirteen or fourteen years old they begin to practise fasting, eating i in the afternoon only, as a very severe fasting is prescribed at the time when they reach maturity. It is believed that if they had any food in their stomachs at this time they would have bad luck in all future. They must remain alone and unseen in their room or in a porch for ten days, and abstain from food and drink. Tor four days they are not even allowed a drop of water. Fora fortnight the girl is not permitted to chew her own food. If she desires to have two or three boys when married, two or three men chew ‘er food for her; in the other case, two or three

WO OVE be af ola aly mu He ela me peb the kill

tim in ¥ of t) mac J hair rage mou ansv chat little beloy dece: keep belor It is the ¢ wear is tie of th excey pile, hole j is bu that 1 gens, The buria many their and ¢ bodies are co * Bi have I small The m are no take o

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ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 41

women. At the end of this fasting they are covered with mats and held over a fire. It is believed that by this ceremony her children are made to be healthy; if it were omitted they would die, even if they grow up to be afew years old, The girl is not allowed to look at fresh salmon and olachen for a whole year, and has to abstain from eating it. Her head is always covered with a small mat, and she must not look at men. She must not lie down, but always sit, propped up between boxes and mats. Her mother’s clan give a great feast and many presents to her father’s clan, At this feast her ears are perforated, and she is given ear-orna- ments. When a chief’s daughter reaches maturity she is given a jade pebble, which she must bite until her teeth are comple tely worn down in the middle. When the festival was held slaves were often given away or killed.

I will mention in this place that women when drinking for the first time after marriage must turn their cup four times in the same direction in which the sun is moving, and drink very little only. The perforation of the ears is repeated at later occasions, and every time a new hole is made a new festival is celebrate

After a death has occurred, tii: relatives of the deceased have their hair cut short and ‘their faces blackened. They cover their heads with

ragged and soiled mats, and go four times around the body singing mourning songs. They must speak bnt little, confining themselves to answering questions, as it is believed that they would else become chatterboxes. Until the body is buried they must fast, eating only a very little at night. Women of the gentes to which the deceased did not belong act as wailers, and are paid for their work, the whole gens of the deceased contributing to the payment. In wailing the women must keep their eyes closed. The gens to which the deceased person’s father belongs must bury him. The body lies in state for a number of days. It is washed immediately after death, placed upright and painted with the crest of the gens of the dead person. His dancing ornaments and weapons are placed by his side. Then the body is put into a box which is tied up with lines made of elk-skins. These are furnished by the gens of the deceased, and kept as a payment by the other gens. The bodies, except those of shamans, are burnt. The box is placed on the funeral pile, the lines of elk-skin are taken off and kept by the father’s gens, A hole is cut into the bottom of the box and the pile is lighted. Before all is burnt the heart is taken out of the body and buried. It is believed that if it were burnt, all relations of the deceased would die. The father’s gens, besides receiving the lines, is paid with marmot-skins and blankets. The nearest relations mourn for a whole year, Some time after the burial a memorial post is erected and a memorial festival celebrated. If many members of one family die in quick succession, the survivors lay their fourth tingers on the edge of the box in which the cor pse is deposited and cut off the first joint ‘to cut off the deaths’ (gyidig’ots). The bodies of shamans are buried in caves or in the woods. ‘These customs ure common to the Tlingit, 1laida, and 'I'simshian.

* Bilqula.—Among the Bilqula I noted the following customs: They have professional midwives to assist the woman, who is delivered in a small house built for this purpose. ‘The child is washed in warm water. The mother must remain for ten days in her room. Father and mother

are not allowed to go near the river for a year, else the salmon would take offence.

nana NaNsBC

erg rpenme —

42 REPORT—1889,

told

kno

Girls when reaching maturity must stay in their bedroom, where they have a fireplace of their own. They are not allowed to descend to the floor, and do not sit by the fire of the family. After a while they may leave their room, but only through a hole ext in the floor (the houses standing on piles), through which they must also enter. They are allowed to pick berries, but for a whole year they must not come near the river or the sea. ‘hey must not drink more than is absolutely necessary. They must not eat salmon of the season, else they would lose their senses, or their mouths would be transformed into long beaks. They must not eat snow, which is much liked by the Indians, nor must they chew gum.

“Kwaliutl.—There are the same restrictions regarding the place in which women are confined and regarding the food of girls reaching ‘ maturity. The marriage customs are of peculiar interest on account of the transition from maternal to paternal institutions that may be observed grouy here. If a young man wishes to marry a girl, he must send messengers : the n to the girl’s father and ask his permission. If the father accepts “the chiefs suitor, ‘he may demand fifty or more blankets, according to his rank, to body H be paid at once. He demands double that number to be paid after three the |

k months, After this second payment has been made, the young man is poles allowed to live with his wife in his father-in-law’s house. When he goes Meme to live there the young man gives a feast to the whole tribe, without grave giving away any blankets, and receives from his father-in-law fifty blankets food y ie or more, At the same time his father-in-law states when he intends to beach, refund the rest. During the feast, in which the young wife takes part, ero

she tells her father that her husband wishes to have his car vings and The k dances. Her father is obliged to give them to him, and promises to do so are ge ata future occasion. After three months more the young man pays his are O1

HS030

Ny} father-in-law 100 blankets to gain permission to take his wife to his great ¢ own home. The blankets which he has given to his father-in-law are Ph repaid by the latter with interest. At the appointed time the woman’s . In casi father gives a great feast to the whole tribe. He steps forward carrying | tollowi ] his copper, the emblem of richness and power, and hands it to his son-in- - motior law, thus giving him his name, carvings, and dances. The young man the ink has to give blankets to every guest attending the feast; the nobler the | — the fou guest is, the more blankets he receives. " or wid The dowry of the bride consists of bracelets made of beaver-toes and motion

copper; so-called ‘ button-blankets,’ copper-plates, and the gyi’serstal. slowly The last is a heavy board shaped like one of the lids of Indian boxes. ] During

Its front is set with sea-otter teeth. It is said to represent the human j he may

lower jaw, and I was told that it indicates the right of the husband to hands, command his wife to speak or to be silent as he may desire. PF Cill be

The bride receives her boxes and other household goods fron: her 5 he take

parents. After the marriage she makes presents of dishes, spoons, trays, plow wa

1 and similar objects to the whole tribe in behalf of her husband, in order to ae the ( ae show his liberality. If the woman should intend to separate from her s wander i husband, and to return to her parents, her father must repay twofold all pfu awa i F he has received from his son-in-law. If there should be a child, he has : die at 1 ae to repay him threefold. This third part becomes the property of the | live lon child. Frequently this is only a sham divorce, entered into to give an stretch

month | After a for four

opportunity to the father-in-law to show his liberality and wealth. As soon as he has paid the husband, the latter repurchases his wife. I was

they

the may yuses r are near utely rould eaks. must

ce in ching int of erved ngers s the ik, to three an 18 goes ithout nkets ids to part, s and do so ys his o his w are man’s rying lon-in- man r the

3 and arstal, 0xes, uman ud to

1 her trays, ler to mn her Id all e has bf the ve an , AS

T was

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 43

told that the qyi’serstd7 is not used by the Lé’kwiltok’. Itis certainly not known to the Coast Salish.

Among the 'Tlatlasik‘oala and Awiky’¢’nok: the gens of the young man go out to mect his bride. They connect four boats by long boards and per- form a dance on this platform, The ds ance is called Ia/tiati: by the Tlatlasikoala. Among the Awiky’é’nok another dance is per- formed, in which a woman has the chief part. She carries a carved piece of wood about a foot and a half long, of the shape shown by the figure, and set with haliotis shells. Besides her, four masked dancers take part in the dance. They are called Winoqué’ lak’, Yaiaua’lak‘ameé, Aiqumalakila,and Yaiawino akila, Unfortunately I was unable to understand the me: aning of their dance.

The dead are put into boxes and buried either in a separate burial ground or deposited in the higher branches of trees. The tribes living at the northern end of Vancouver Island have separate burial grounds for chiefs and for common or middle-class people. The box containing the body is placed in a small house similar to those of the Tlingit and Haida. The house is covered with blankets, and strips of blanket are fastened to poles erected near the grave or to lines drawn from one tree to the other. Memorial columns, showing the crest of the tribe, are erected near the graves. Large spoons are placed alongside the houses, and are filled with food when the body is buried. At the same time food is burnt on the beach. Lf the body is hung up in a tree, the lower branches are carefully removed to make it inaccessible. Sometimes chiefs are buried in canoes. The Koskimo frequently bury their dead in a cave. The graveyards are generally situated on small islands or grounds near the village, and ave one of tle most remarkable sights on the coast, on account of the great display of colours and carvings.

The regulations referring to the mourning period are very severe, In case of the death of husband or w ife, the survivor has to observe the following rules: For four days after the death the survivor must sit motionless, the knees drawn up toward the chin, On the third day all the inhé vbitants of the village, including children, must take a bath. On the fourth day some water is heated in a wooden kettle, and the widow or widower drips if upon his head. When he becomes tired of sitting motionless, and must move, he thinks of his enemy, stretches his legs slowly four times, and draws them up again. Then his enemy must die. During the following sixteen days he must remain on the same spot, but he may stretch out his legs. He is not allowed, however, to move his hands, Nobody must speak to him, and whosoever disobe v8 this command will be punished by the death of one of his relatives. iy ery fourth day he takes a bath. He is fed twice a day by an old woman at the time of low water, with salmon canght in the preceding year, and given to him in the dishes and spoons of ‘the deceased. While sitting so his mind is wandering to and fro. He sees his house and his friends as though far, fur away. If in his visions he sees a man near by, the latter is sure to die at no distant day; if he sees him very far away, he will continue to live long. After the sixteen days have passed, he may lie down, but not stretch out. He takes a bath every cighth day. At the end of the first month he takes off his clothing, and dresses the stump of a tree with it. After another month has passed he may sit in a corner of the house, but for four months he must not mingle with others. He must not use the

Salve Sree

ee een

ee ey

ne arlene eel

44 REPORT— 1889,

house door, but a separate door is cut for his use. Before he leaves the house for the first time he must three times approach the door and return, then he may leave the honse. After ten months his hair is cut short, and after a year the mourning is at an end. At present the Indians abstain, during the mourning, from the use of Kuropean implements,

Food is burned for the dead on the beach, sometimes in great quanti- ties, which is intended to serve for their food. The mourners wail ev ery morning on the beach, facing the grave. The women scratch their faces with their nails, and cut them with knives and shells.

After the chief's death a great feast is celebrated, in which the son adopts his father’s name. At first mourning songs are sung, in which stones are used instead of sticks for beating time. Then the whistle T's’¢’koityala is heard, which ends their mourning and restores happiness to their minds. After a while the chief’s son enters, carrying his copper plate, and, assuming his father’s name, becomes the new chief.

Coast Salish.

I am best acquainted with the customs of the Snanaimuq, which are probably almost identical with those of the other tribes of this group, the ('atlo'ltq excepted, whose customs are more alike to those of the Kwakintl than to those of the other Coast Salish,

It is the custom of the Snanaimuq that, if a woman is to be delivered, all the women are invited to come, and to rub cedar-bark, which is used for washing and bedding the babe. Two women, the wives of chiefs, wash the new-born babe. All those who do any work on behalf of the mother or chiid are paid with pieces of a mountain-goat blanket. The mother must not eat anything but dried salmon, and is not allowed to go down to the river. The children are not named until they are sev eral years old. Then all the gentes of the tribe are invited, and at the ensuing festival the child receives the name of his grandfather or that of another old member of the gens. Names once given are not changed, except when that of a chief is assumed by his son.

The man who wants to marry a girl goes into the house of her parents, and sits down, without speaking a word, close by the door. There he sits four days, without eating any food. For three days the girl’s parents abuse him in ey ery way, but on the fourth day they feign to be moved by his perseverance, and the girl’s mother gives him a mat to sit on. In the evening of the fourth day the girl’s parents call on the chief of the gens, and request his wife to invite the young man io sit down near the fire. Then he knows that the parents will give their consent to the marriage. A meal is cooked; some food is served to the young man, and some is sent to his parents in order to advise them of the consent of the girl’s family. The latter, on receiving the food, accept it, and turn at once to cooking a meal. They fill the empty dishes in which the food was sent, and return them to the girl’s parents. Then both families give jointly a great feast. The young man’s parents load their boat with mountain-goat blankets and other valuable presents, and leave the landing-place of their house and land at that of the bride’s house. They are accompanied by the members of their gens, Mean-

while the bride’s gens has assembled in her house. The chiefs of the groom’s gens deliver the presents to the bride’s parents, making a long and elaborate speech. In return, the bride’s parents present these chicts

witl gens Afte the intr the the the forn of t brid

are q mart

the groo

I

pare the | Or t sett] | face put i grout trees, Mem in as in a His n are m nothi: The 1 near t alone, morni death other Af and h Then allowe she is period woods At the de conclu Ku referri W) grand her wi

s the ‘turn, short, dians 3.

aanti- every faces

ie son which vhistle piness copper

ich are 1p, the vakiutl

to be r-bark, an, the rork on in-goat and is d until nvited, dfather are not

of her le door. ys the y feign h a mat on the h to sit re their i to the hem of , accept hes in Then ts load hts, and bride’s Mean- of the a Jong

a chiefs

Le

wet ak ies phe We

tthe ase sc amearemnahln satya dae mda deca! Lode

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBUS OF CANADA, 45

with a few blankets, which are handed to them by the chiefs of their gens. Then the groom’s gens is invited to partake in a great feast. After these ceremonies are ended, the young man and his gens return to the boat, and stay for a few hours on the water. Meanwhile the bride is intrusted to the care of the highest chief of her gens, who takes her by the hand, carrying a rattle elaborately carved, of tfountain-goat horn, in the other. Besides this, he carries a mat for the bride to siton. ‘Then the highest chief of the other gens takes her from the hands of the former, and leads her into the boat. The presents given by the parents of the young man are restored, later on, in the same proportion by the bride’s parents.

While these formal ceremonies are always observed when both parties are of high rank, in other cases, if both parents are of the same rank, the marriage is sometimes celebr ated only by a feast and by a pay ment of the value of about forty blankets to the bride’s parents ‘by those of the groom. ‘These are also restored later on.

If the families are of different social etanding, the whole gens of those parents who are of higher rank may go to the young couple and recover the husband or wife, as the case may be. This is considered a divorce. Or the chiefs of the offended gens summon a council, and the case is settled by a payment of blankets.

The following funeral customs are practised by the Snanaimuq. The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint. The corpse is put in a box, which is placed on four posts about five feet above the ground. In rare instances only the boxes are fastened in the tops of trees, which are made inaccessible by cutting off the lower branches. Members of a gens are placed near each other, near relatives sometimes in a small house, in which the boxes are enclosed. <A chief’s body is put in a carved box, and the front posts supporting his coffin are carved. His mask is placed between these posts. Thee graves of vreat warriors are marked bya statue representing a warrior with a war- club, There is nothing to distinguish a shaman’s grave from that of an ordinary man. The mourners must move very slowly. ‘They are not allowed to come near the water and eat the heads of salmon. They must cook and eat alone, and not use the fire and the dishes which other people use. Ever morning they go down to the beach and wail for the dead. After the death of a young child, the parents cut off their hair, but there is no other ceremony.

After the death of husband or wife, the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket red. For three or four days he must not eat anything. Then three men or women give him some food, and henceforth he is allowed to eat. ‘T'wice every day he must take a bath, in which he or she is assisted by two men or women. At the end of the mourning period the red blanket is given to an old man, who deposits it in the woods.

At the death of the chief the whole tribe mourns. Four days after the death occurred the whole tribe assembles, and all take a bath, which concludes the mourning.

Kutonaqga.—I have not obtained any information regarding customs referring to birth.

When a girl reaches maturity she must inform her mother and grandmother, who lead her to a lonely place, or the woods, and provide her with fuod for about twenty days. When this food is at an end, she

46 REPORT-—-1889,

returns at night to the village for more. If anybody should happen to find her whereabouts, she has to resort to another secluded place, Generally she has to shift her hiding-place four times. She must abstain from certain kinds of food in order to preserve her teeth. She must not cat soup made of shavings from deer or elle skin, as else her skin would become an unclean complexion. She must not eat bones with marrow, heart, or kidney. An unmarried woman must eat neither breast nor tenderloin of any animal. If she should eat tenderloin of both sides of the animal, it is believed she would give birth to twins. Neither must she eat me at lying around the obturator forame n of the pelvic bone, else an enemy’s arrow would hit her husband in that part.

When a young man wishes to marry a girl, he has to make a certain payment to his parents-in-law. It seems there is no further ceremony connected with the marriage. After marriage the woman’s parents give some presents to the young conple. The first child is often sacrificed to the sun, to secure health and happiness to the whole family. An old ‘brave’ is requested to give a boy his name, to make him a good warrior, Children must not eat blood and marrow, else they will become weak.

The dead are buried in an outstretched position. The head was probably always directed eastwards. ‘They kill the deceased’s horse and hang his property to a tree under which his grave is. The body is given its best clothing. The mourners cut off their hair, which is buried with the body. When a warrior dies, they paint his face red, and bury him between trees which are peeled and then painted red.

Before the body is buried, they prophesy future events from the position of his hands, ‘These are placed over the breast of the body, the left nearer the chin than the right. Then the body is covered with a skin, which after a few minutes is removed. If the hands have not changed their position, it indicates that no more deaths will occur in the same season. If they are partly closed, the number of closed fingers indicates the number of deaths. If the point of the thumb very ne: ‘arly touches the point of the first finger, it indicates that these deaths will take place very soon. If both hands are firmly closed, they open the fingers one by one, and if they find beads (torn from the clothing ?) in the hands, they believe that they will have good fortune. If they find dried meat in the hand, it indicates that they will have plenty of food. If both hands are closed so firmly that they cannot be opened, it indicates that the tribe will be strong and healthy and free from disease. These experiments are repeated several times.

While a few men bury the body, the mourners remain in the lodge motionless. When those who have buried the body return, they take a thornbush, dip it into a kettle of water, and sprinkle the doors of all lodges. Then the bush is broken to pieces, thrown into a kettle of water, which is drunk by the mourners. ‘This ends the mourning ceremonies.

After the death of a woman, her children must wear until the follow- ing spring rings cut out of skin around the wrists, lower and upper arms, and around the legs. It is believed that else their bones would

become weak. RELiaions. Tlingit.— While the shamanistic practices and customs are very much

alike among the various peoples of the North Pacific coast, their ideas about future life and the great deities deserve a separate description, The

Tli out rul bed leva day mus ing ady

not care four beac Wus tle quie soun terri grav earri was ‘Mot Did want comp but n BAW y did ne of any meal : ‘ \ saw h our er that I thong’ body, our h threw believe and I - in the to hav went o arrivec river ff nised who ha cure, have Pp wander Wearin soundly

n to lace, stain t not rould Lrow, b nor sides ‘ither bone,

oy tain mony 3 give red to in old wrior, ak.

| was se and given 1 with ‘y him

m the ly, the with a ve not in the ingers nearly is will n the y Fr) in by find food. licates These

lodge take a odges. vhich

llow- upper vould

much ideas

The

ae abe cone

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 47

Tlingit believe that the soul, after death, lives in a country similar to ours. Those who have died a violent death go to heaven, to a country ruled by 'Tahit; those who die by sickness (also women dying in child. bed) go to a country beyond the borders of the earth, but on the same level. It is said that the dead from both countries join during the daytime. I believe th.t this idea, which is also held by the Haida, must be ascribed to Eskimo influence, The ideas of the Tlingit regard. ing future life are best described in the following tales, which are told as adventures of shamans who lived about 150 or 200 years ago :

A shaman had been sick for many years. When he felt that he could not recover, and death was approaching, he asked his mother to take good care of his dog. He died. The corpse was wrapped in furs, and on the fourth day he was buried in the graveyard of the shamans, near the beach. very day his mother went to the little house in which his body wus deposited, bewailing his death, and burning food for him, One day tlie dog, who had accompanied her, began to. bark, and would not be quieted. Suddenly she heard something moving in the grave, and a sound as though somebody was awaking from a long sleep. She fled, terrified, and told the people what she had heard. They went to the grave, opened it, and found that the dead had returned to life. They carried him bome, and gave him some food. But he felt weak, and it was not until he had slept long and soundly that he began to speak. ‘Mother,’ he said, ‘why did not you give me to eat when I asked you ? Did not you hear me? I said, “Iam hungry,” and nudged you. | wanted to touch your right side, but I was unable to do so. I was compelled by a magic force to stand at your left side. You did not reply, but merely touched your side, saying, ‘That is a bad omen.” When f saw you eating, [asked you to let me take part in your meal, but you did not answer, and without your permission I was not able to partake of any food. You said, “ The fire crackles, and you threw some of your meal into it,’

‘When I was dead I did not feel any pain. Isat by my body, and saw how you prepared it for burial, and how you painted my face with our crest. I heard you, O mother, mourning at my grave. T told you that I was not dead, but you did not hear me. After four days I felt as though there was no day and no night. I saw you carrying away my body, and felt compelled to accompany it, although I wished to st: vy in our house. I asked every one of you to give me some food, but you threw it into the fire, and then I felt satisfied. At last I thought, il believe I am dead, for nobody hears me, and the burnt food satisfies me,’’ and I resolved to go into the land of the souls. Soon I arrived at a‘ in the road. A much-trodden road led one way, while the other seemed to have been seldom used. I followed the former. I longed to die, and went on and on, hoping to reach the country of the dece: ased. At last I arrived at a steep rock, the end of the world. At the foot of the rock ¢ river flowed sluggishly. On the other side I saw a village, and recog- nised many of its inhabitants. I saw my grandmother and my uncle who have long been dead, and many children whom I had once tried to cure. But many of those I saw I did not know. I cried, ‘‘Oh, come, have pity upon me! Take me over to you!”’ But they continued to wander about as though they did not hear me. I was overcome by weariness, and lay down. The hard rock was my pillow. I slept soundly, and when I awoke I did not know how long [had slept. ft

satrap Se ees SY

agebesastnemetemsincinemmenrmemnnnn ene coieeoe

48 report. —1889,

p li 1 yawned, Then the people in the village cried, rhea 8 Ii ete "hel us go and take him across the river!’ A 6 rise ! tus g areas ih where I stood, and took me to the es Pee le rveeted me kindly. I was going to tell them of this ife, nu A Ries their hands and motioned me to be silent, saying, ‘ Don’t spea , iene matters they do not belong to us.” They gave rit Ly sea a to eat, but everything had a burnt taste, although a ae pee food; therefore I did not touch it. Nhey gave pao 8 sb so race was about to drink it I found that it looked green hy in ‘ + +b ie They told me that the river which I had crossed Ww wt hie tet mete shed by the women oe dead ; therefore you must n 'y y

TH as Crosse > river. " ee teen ace reget die, but the spirits lead a miserable life. IT will sulin endure the pains my mother inflicts upon aug ae ae here.” The spirits asked me to stay, but I War sot erg ee entreaties, and left. As soon as I turned round the at sas red I I ave and I found myself on a path that was seldom it i DY pee ay ent on and on, and saw many hands growing out sl 1e lon oe a 8 towards me, as though they were asking’ somet ing, fat f eee rreat fire, and close pet it a ten abi eae al bee Pai ‘ollowe » narrow path I saw many eyes, 2} ) fixe etka She et hae ey them, for I wanted to AN Aon oye on. The fire was still at a distance. At last I vegohet i iy ane ne

hought, ‘* What shall I do ? My mother does not hear me, _E hate the life xf the spirits. I will die a violent death, and go to Tahi't. I put se ied mls the fire, right where the sword was swinging Hina oa all of a sudden I felt cold. I heard my dog barking oe ay He erying. I stretched my limbs, peeped through Ris 7 6) ; ie os grave, and saw you, O mother, running away, ia a : ae came to see me, and then you arrived and found es ae re oye like to return from the country of the spirits, bub at Sona ands, the eyes, and the fire ; therefore the path 1S almost Oo i ee a . ofan A similar story tells of a man’s visit to the upper country, Tahi't: < A vise ike Ky’ itl’a’e, who lived about seven gene pes A aa himself. When he died he saw a ladder descending from heaven, a anaes nanan it. At the head of the ladder he met an old watchman, ge

» asc ‘ RAS : ik, ; afer black, and had curly hair (PP). He ele : Sh Assan er tr here?’ When Ky’itl’a’ec told him that he had a ec ee f ae oe : man allowed him to pass. — Soon he discovered a mh ued f aes kettle standing in front of it. In the house he saw bd oh he a a him to comein. He called two of his people (who sre'0n iN ie nee ») and ordered them to show Ky itl’a ¢ the whole country. L Hey creeuie the Milky Way, and toa lake in which two white ge ae es ng: They gave him a small stone and asked him to try et " ce oe

ith j : lied with their request, and as soon as e had hi May “ a pats sing. This made him laugh, for their singing felt ad eae tickled him. Then his companions asked him, ee ae aul to see Tahi’t’s daughters ?’ When he expressed his desir tier aenedithe cloud door, and he saw two eel ann aia cae the clouds. When he looked down i a ee ae

; cing like so many pins. ut he wis "e i fade oat lie Sinaia aed his head and flung himself down.

He tre wit br up onl tha sho

to t fuel woo

port

tran aney any The tran: diffey man I inytl The § the g expla Hed into knife L but tl will d mank which Tl it doe their thund is a1 offerir mount they s from r

Haida Tsi a natut objects & pure

ied,

A yone vised hese rries rood en | vaste. tears your

e life. stay their

saved, went

oving

saw a

hen | upon

n and

then I

ute the J put Then

mother > little ag; he would

hands, rich is

, killed n, and n, who want vatch- saw a ‘koned

ON THE

NORTH*WESTERN

He arrived at the earth unhurt, and found himself at the foot of some trees. Soon he discovered a small house, the door of which was covered with mats. He peeped into it, and heard a child crying that had jast br rn, He himself was the child, and when he came to be grown up uc told the people of Tahi’t. They had heard about him be ‘fore, but only then they learnt everything about the upper world. Ky'itl’a’e told that those whose heads had been cut off had their eyes between their shoulders in the upper world,

Another man, named Gyinaskila’e, did not believe in Tali’t, Hesaid to the people, * Kill me! If I really g go to Tahi’'t, I shall throw down fuel from heaven.’ He was killed, and. after a short time four pieces of wood fell down from heaven, Then the people knew that Ky’itl’a’c's re- port was true,

In the second of these tales, reference is made to the Tlingit idea of transmigration of souls. Former authors state that man is born anew four times, and that the sonl is then annihilated. I did not hear of any such restriction, but it may be that some notion of this kind obtains. The souls of animals also descend to the next generation, but there is no transmigration of souls between man and animal, or betw een animals of different kinds. There is particularly no transmigration of souls between man and his eres‘.

It is said that ‘our world is sharp asa knife.’ Although there is a inythical side to the idea, it seems to be said principally ina moral aspect. ‘The saying continues, ‘We must take care that we do not deviate from the straight course, for else we would fall off and die.’ My informant € xplained this, saying, ‘Once a boy did not believe that our world is sharp He danced abont and behaved foolishly. Then he ran a splinter of wood into his foot and died. Now he knew thot our world is as sharp as a knife.’

[have not heard that Yétl, the great hero of their myths, is worshipped, but they believe that he will ‘return, It is, however, not stated what he will do on his return, whether he will continue his adventures or beuefit mankind, It must be borne in mind that Yétl, in all his exploits, by which he benefited man, did so against his will and intent,

The Tlingit pray to the sun to give them food and fair weather, but it does not seem that he occupies in any way a prominent place among their deities. They also pray and offer to the mountains and to the thunder, to the killer (Delphinus orca) and to the seals. Their religion is a nature worship. When praying they blow up eagle-down as an offering, and give to every being what they think it likes best. The mountains are asked for fair w ind. When they hear a peal of thunder, they shake themselves and jump high up, erying from me !’

The killer is believed to upset canoes and take the erew with him, Him and the seal they ask for food. They believe in fabulous seal-men. When one of these is seen, they pour a bucket of fresh water into the sea.

I have not discovered any belief distinguishing the religion of the Maida from that of the Tlingit.

Tsimshian.—While the religion of the Tlingit and Haida seems to be a nature worship, founded on the general idea of the animation of natural objects, no object obtaining a prominent place, that of the Tsimshian is & pure worship of Heaven (Leqa’). Heaven is the great deity who has o

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TRIBES OF CANADA, 49

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REPORT—1889.

50

number of mediators called Neqno’q. Any natural object can be a Ne iqno’ qs but the most important ones are sun and moon, spirits appear- ing in the shape of lightning strokes and animals. Nuqno’q designates anything mysterious. It is the supernatural will of the deity, as well as the whistle which is used in the dances and is kept a profound secret, and a mere sleight-of-hand. In one myth the master of the moon, the pesti- Jence (Hai‘atliloq), appears as a powerful deity. I suspect that this last idea is due to Kwakiutl influence. Heaven rules the destinies of mankind ; Heaven taught man to distinguish between good and bad, and gave the religious laws and institutions. Heaven is gratified by the mere exist- ence of man. He is worshipped by offerings and prayer, the smoke rising from fires being especially agreeable to him. Murderers, adulterers, and those who behave foolishly, talking to no purpose, and making noise at night, are especially hateful to him. He loves those who take pity upon the poor, who do not try to become rich by selling at high prices what others want. His messengers, particularly sun and moon, must be treated with respect. Men make ‘themselves agreeable to the deity by cleanliness. Therefore, they must bathe and wash their whole bodies before praying. For the same reason they take a vomitive when they wish to please the deity well. They fast and abstain from touching their wives if they desire their prayers to be successful, They offer everything that is con- sidered valuable—eagle-down, red paint, red cedar bark, good elk-skin lines, &c. The offering is burnt.

The Tsimshian do not always pray to Heaven directly, but far more frequently to his mediators. Thus they pray in a general way to the Neqno’q: ‘Neqno'y, Neqno'g! Semd'yits, Semd'yits! ramrddun! dyeir tiz'n gepdyd ‘neksen tle'rent! Neqno'g! ramré'den!’ that is, ‘ Neqno’q, Nuqno’q! Chief, chief! Have pity upon us! Else there will be nobody to make smoke under you! ! Neqno’q! Have pity upon vs!’ Or praying for fais weather: ‘ Nzqno’ Y Neqno'q! Semd'yits, Sema’ yits! ramrd'den ! tgyiné’e wil tlerr’ nt nEsEgya'tent. Man si‘ikya sient ala ma a’ ds’ant !’ ‘Neqno’gq, Neqno’q! Chief, chief! Have pity upon us! Look down and

see what those whom you made are doing! Pull up thy foot and sweep off

thy face!’ (‘Pull up thy foot’=stop the rain; ‘sweep off thy face’= take away the clouds.) The following is a prayer for calm weather: ‘ Lo'srgya nd ksend'tlgent! Semd'yit demwul gya'kset!’? ‘ Hold in thy breath, Chief! that it be calm!’ Before eating they burn food; having done so they pray: ‘ Wa semd’yits dem ga'benguaa gpigi’ ga’brnmée. Tawa'l mandrgua’a, tawa'l mandrgua'a tlgzrané’r. Gyi'znrm!’ * Here! Chief! Here is for you to eat, part of our food. It is all that is lefi us! It is ail that is leftus! Now feed us!’ in the same way the woman in the legend prays: ‘ Wa wa wa gyi’znem hadsena's!’ ‘ Now, now, now feed us! fortunate one!’ (name of a bird, a Neqno’q)

The dead go to a place similar to that of the living. Our summer is their winter, our winter their summer. TT hey have everything—fish, venison, and skins—in abundance.

If a special object is to be attained, they believe they ean compel the deity to grant it by a rigid fasting. For seven days they have to abstain from food and from seoing their wives. During these days they have to lie in bed motionless. After seven days they may rise, wash themselves, comb the right side of their head, and paint the right ‘side of their face. Then they might look at their wives, <A less rigid form of fasting ex- tends over four days only, ‘lo make the ceremony very successful, thei:

a a oe ee

SES RI AOR dit ont

(our four fn ul), ani wande and ay like oO may rg

of sal helievel they a make fj use for flat box are eor struck } The wandere © word

~him A}

{0 eat !) Well n Whom ¢

be a ypear- mates el] as t, and pesti- s last kind ; e the exist- rising 3, and ise at upon what ‘eated iness. ying. e the they ; con- .skin

more o the ayeir yno’q, obody aying den ! ant!’ n and ep off coe: ather: n thy aving nnree. Here ! is lef y the Now,

ner is —fish,

ol the bstain we to elves, r face. i eX- their

} } ; fa ae

| | f Hl

Re tA MEAN eM ithaes:

& word which he -him 4} huae ‘0 eat !)

Well up in the sky. TheS whom they call Qi'is, the

nisi ; r virile nha

ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES oF C

ANADA,

wives must join them, If the wife eflect of the fasting ig destroyed,

The following beliefs and customs are connected with ideas and ceremonies :—'l’wins are believed to c fore they pray to wind and rain: ‘Calm doy Whatever twins Wish for jg fulfilled, Th they can harm the man whom they hate, salmon, and are therefore 2alled Sew

The olachen js called halr prescribed when the first fish are ‘anght, instrument of elderberry

Y-Wood, of the fop : sketch, A handle is tied to ¢ Fig. 4,

should not be true

their re Ontrol the Weather n, breath of the erefore they They can eall the olae Y ihij n=making plentiful, ma'‘tk, the Saviour, Certain cere They are roasted on m shown in the

he central rod, whic feet long. A short erogs ece is fastened to the ro o

. from its end, and twigs are fastened to its outer to the central yr? hear its upper end. The m: fish on this instrument must wear hig travelling attire ; cape, &e. While it is toasted they pr ask that they might come to their fishing ground fish is turned Tound, all ery, awa! } The fire must not be

up. In eating the fish they must not cool it

“TT break a single bone, Everything must be ke

The rakes for catching the The fish must not be left outside, but they give asa present to their neigh mat. When the fish become roasted on the point of a stick. further ceremonies, Kwakintl.— The Ky (our father), A’ta (the one above), Kany (our elder brother), or Amiaé’qet (the on fal), They pray to him an Kanikilak: (with outspread Wings), who descended from wandered all over the world, giving man his and arts, They pray to him also. After death the souls go toa country like ours, and continue to be what they have been on earth, The ghosts may reappear ; to gee them brings sickness and death, ‘he Kwakiutl have a belief regarding twin Tsimshian, They consider twins transformed salmon, ond, as childrey of salmon, they are guarded against going near the water, as it is helieved they would be re-transformed into sslmon. While children they are able to summon any wind by motions of their hands, and can hake fair or bad weather, They have the power of curing @iseases, and

use for this purpose a rattle ca‘led k’oa’qaten, Which has the shape of a

flat box about three feet long by two foot wide. Their mother-marks

ave Considered searg of wounds whieh they received When they struck by a harpoon while still having the Shape of salmon.

The Ooast Salish. The Coast Salish Worship the gan and the great Wanderer. The Gatlo'ltq call the latter Kumsno/ot] (our elder brother), ‘8 been borrowed from the Kwakiutl, They pray to eqato' matl, Kumsné'otl, kums e'tlten ! (O Kumsno/ot), give us The Snanaimug must not partake of any food until the sin is k'q0’mie seem to consider the great wanderer, > Brent deity. He is also called QVi’aqa and

12

fish must be hidden stored in boxes, The first fish ¢]

bours must be covered with more plentiful, they are After that they are tr

in the house,

a new doubled up, and eated without any ikiat] worship the sun, who is ealled Kants’o’aiap ki'yi (our brother), Kransné la © to whom we must be grate. d they give him offerings Hig soy, is heaven anc Social institutions, customs,

8 similar to that of the

were

to the husband the

ligious ; there. twins,’ are feared, ag hen avd

monies are an * ACCom panying b is abont thras d about one foot ends, being tied in who roasts the mittens, ay for plenty of fish, and When the blown by blowing, nor pt neat and clean,

at

sone

i a : te = aniacynt a rear ttt nc -

5 i Pad a Yi

aera

52 REPORT—1889, Slaa'‘lrk‘am. All these tribes believe that the touch or the seeing of hosts brings sickness and death.

The Kutona’qa have a distinct sun-worship, They pray and sacrifice to the sun. Before beginning their couneil they put tobacco into a pipe and offer it three times to the sun, holding up the pipe-stem to it. This ceremony is called wusitlwatlako'né (=making the sun smoke). Then the

ipe is turned round three times horizontally, a smoke being thus offered to the four points of the compass. They make hoops of twigs, and everyone ties to his a part of what he desires to have. <A horse’s hair indicates that horses are wished for. The hoop is hung to a tree as an offering to the sun. Before war expeditions, and to ward off disaste iT, they cclebrate a great festival, in which the first joint of a finger is eut off as an offering to the sun. It is then hang to a tree. They also pierce their flesh on arms and breast with awls, eut off the piece they

have thus lifted and offer it to the sun. The first-born child is sacri- ficed to him. The mother prays, ‘I am with child. When it is born [ shall offer it to you. Have pity upon us.’ Thus they expected to secure health and good fortune for their families. These customs evidently correspond ty» the similar customs of the Blackfeet, although my in- formant maintained that the so-called sun-dance was never held by the Knutonaga. In winter a large dancing (‘medicine’) lodge is built for dancing and praying purposes. Then they pray for snow in order to easily obtain game.

The dead go to the sun. One of the important features of their religion is the belief that all the dead will return at a future time. This event is expected to take place at Lake Pend Oreille. Therefore all Kutonaga tribes used to assemble there from time to time to await the dead. On their journey they danced every night around a fire, going in the direction of the sun. Only those who were at war with any tribe or family danced the opposite way. The festival at the lake, which lasted many days, and consisted principally of dances, was celebrated only at

rare intervals.

SHAMANISM AND Secret Socrertes.

In the preceding account of the religious ideas of the Indians of British Columbia I have not) mentioned shamanism, which forms a most important part of their religions, and which is closely connected with all their customs. All nature is animated, and the spirit of any being can become the genius of a man, who thus acquires supernatural powers. These spirits are called Ycék by the Tlingit: they are the Neqno’g of the Tsimshian. It is a remarkable fact that this acquiring of supernatural powers is designated by the Tsimshian, Bilqula, and Nutka by a Kwakiutl word (Tlok‘oala), which in these instances, how- ever, is restricted to the highest degrees of supernatural power, This proves that the ideas of the Kwikintl exercised a great influence over those of the neighbouring peoples, and for this reason I shall begin with a description of shamanism ¢ among the Kwikintl.

The secrets of shamanism are confided to a number of secret societics which are closely connected with the clans of the tribes. Thus the art of the ‘medicine man’ (of the shaman proper) is derived from Haiali- kyawé, the ancestor of the gens of that name. The secrets of others are obtained by initiation. | failed to reach a fully satisfactory

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